[EL] FW: An Electoral College Tie?

JBoppjr at aol.com JBoppjr at aol.com
Fri Dec 16 07:37:27 PST 2011


A majority of the votes in the Electoral College and, if not, a majority of 
 the States of the United States in the House.  I thought you would know  
this.  Jim Bopp
 
 
In a message dated 12/16/2011 10:30:53 A.M. Eastern Standard Time,  
Tom at TomCares.com writes:

To  quickly respond to Jim: What kind of fictitious majority does the
Electoral  College ensure?

In 1992, 49 states had no majority winner. In 2000, the  EC produced a
national plurality loser (let alone a majority  winner).

You could just as meaningfully guarantee a majority winner by  dividing
a basin in half for the top two candidates, and dropping an odd  number
of jelly beans over it.

Thomas Cares


Sent from my  iPad

On 12/16/11, JBoppjr at aol.com <JBoppjr at aol.com>  wrote:
> Re Rob's comment about my post, every Presidential candidate  for all time
> has and will have limited resources so they will decide  to go some 
places,
> but  not others.  That does not make the  "other" places irrelevant -- 
their
> votes still matter and count. So  this "problem" is not fixed by the NPV, 
it
> just  changes where  candidates might go.  It seems obvious to me that 
they
> will   go to the major population centers under NPV, not small states. I
>  acknowledge  that liberals are likely to see this as an improvement  --
> greater
> influence of  large liberal population centers  -- but I don't.
>
> But the biggest (nonpartisan) problem with NPV  is that it allows the
> election to be decided by a plurality, not a  majority.  The Constitution
> requires a majority -- either of the  Electoral College or the House -- 
while
> the
> barest plurality  is enough under NPV.  This has, in my view, profound
> destablizing  effects and would ultimately undermine the legitimacy of our
>  federal
> government.  Jim Bopp
>
>
> In a  message dated 12/16/2011 12:06:23 A.M. Eastern Standard Time,
>  rr at fairvote.org writes:
>
> So, just  so I have this  straight:
>
>
> * Jim Bopp thinks that having more voters  matter only is of interest to
> self-interested consultants. To him it's  irrelevant that Barack Obama can
> run
> for re-election without  his campaign having to worry for a second about 
the
>  views of  voters in the ten smallest states (e.g, he has no primary
>  challenge,  and none of the ten smallest states is on anyone's  2012
> battleground
> list -  they won't matter to the  Republican nominee come this fall 
either).
> Apparently  the power  to hold one's elected representatives accountable 
is a
> kind of   distraction from the main purpose, which is the magic of swing
> states  being  able to elect better presidents than the nation could as a
>  whole.
>
>
> * Tara Ross believes that the Electoral College  caused the differences
> between the North and South to "melt away."  Never mind that, due to deals
> over
> electors, Rutherford Hayes  in 1877 cravenly entered a corrupt deal that
> effectively ended  Reconstruction, leading to Jim Crow laws and Democratic
> one-party  dominance of the South for nearly a century. Never mind that 
with
> the  winner-take-all rule, there is absolutely no incentive to compete in
>  states you can't win, as opposed to a national popular vote where 
there's  an
>
> incentive to compete everywhere you can win  votes.
>
>
> * Tara thinks that the Electoral College is key  to maintaining the
> two;party system, perhaps having missed the  significance of Duverger's 
Law
> and  the
> lack of rampant  multi-partism in all the states that hold their elections
> without an  Electoral College system.
>
>
> Sorry if a bit snippy   - I'll ascribe it to watching two hours of  the
> presidential  debate tonight.
> Rob
>
> On Thu, Dec 15, 2011 at 11:07 PM,  Tara Ross <_tara at taraross.com_
> (mailto:tara at taraross.com) >  wrote:
>
>
>
> But  a Democrat in the late 1800s  has a significantly harder time getting
> the  vote of a northerner  v. a southerner.  That Democrat is much more
> productive and  efficient if he simply seeks to drive up voter turnout in 
the
>
>  South. Why bend over backwards to get the vote of someone outside your  
base
> when you can simply promise more to voters who are naturally  inclined to
> like
> you?  It is much easier to promise  anything and everything to your  
natural
> base so they will come  out in droves on election day.  High  voter 
turnout
> among  your base, not coalition-building, wins this type of  election.
>  I  should also note, by way of background, that I never assume that  the
> two-party system will remain stable without the Electoral  College.  A
> multi-party system is less conducive to  coalition-building as a general
> matter; it
> instead tends to  fracture voters across parties.
>
>
> From: Samuel   Bagenstos [mailto:_sbagen at gmail.com_
> (mailto:sbagen at gmail.com)  ]
> Sent: Thursday, December 15, 2011 9:41 PM
> To: Tara   Ross
> Cc: _rr at fairvote.org_ (mailto:rr at fairvote.org) ;  _BSmith at law.capital.edu_
> (mailto:BSmith at law.capital.edu) ;  _JBoppjr at aol.com_ 
(mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com)
> ;  _law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:law-election at department-lists.uci.edu)
>
> Subject: Re:  [EL] FW: An Electoral College  Tie?
>
>
> This is not  my issue, but I don't see how you can credit  the Electoral
>  College, as opposed to a popular-vote alternative, for  encouraging  the
> post-Civil-War division between North and South to melt   away.  Sure,
> Democrats had
> to reach out to northerners,  but they would  have needed to do so under a
> popular-vote plan,  too.   Indeed, one  might argue that they would have  
had
> to do so sooner, because each person's  vote in the cities of  the North
> would
> have counted as much as each person's   vote in the rural South, but this
> isn't my area.  Whatever  the  electoral system, if a party finds itself
> persistently  losing elections, it  will eventually decide it has to reach
>  beyond
> its then-current base.  I  don't see how this is a  unique feature of the
> Electoral   College.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>  Samuel  R. Bagenstos
>
> Professor  of  Law
>
> University  of Michigan Law School
>
>  625  S. State St.
>
> Ann  Arbor, MI   48109
>
> _sambagen at umich.edu_  (mailto:sambagen at umich.edu)
>
>  _http://web.law.umich.edu/_FacultyBioPage/facultybiopagenew.asp?ID=411_
>  (http://web.law.umich.edu/_FacultyBioPage/facultybiopagenew.asp?ID=411)
>
>  _http://disabilitylaw.blogspot.com/_  
(http://disabilitylaw.blogspot.com/)
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>  On Dec 15, 2011, at 10:21 PM, Tara Ross   wrote:
>
>
>
>
> Yes,  elections are about  selecting the best President, not about making
> sure  every  citizen sees every presidential candidate exactly the same
>  number
> of  times as his fellow citizens.  But assuming,  arguendo, that such 
stats
> do matter, the “swing state” situation is  not nearly as dire as Rob
> suggests.  We are in a moment in time  when this particular division  
between
> red
> and blue  states—blue coasts/red flyover states—seems impossible  to  
change.
> But I would suggest that the north/south division between red  and  blue
> states must have seemed similarly unalterable in the  late 1800s. In the
> end, of
> course, it did change. And I would  argue that the Electoral College
> actually encouraged this division  between north and south to melt  away.
> Democrats couldn’t win  without reaching out to northerners;  Republicans
> were
>  cutting it close if they relied only on safe states; thus,  they reached 
 out
> to
> southerners.  Eventually, the same dynamics  should  work to erase the
> seemingly stubborn division between red  and blue   today.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>  From: _law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu)
>  _[mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu]_
>  (mailto:[mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu])  On   
Behalf
> Of_JBoppjr at aol.com_ (mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com)
> Sent:  Thursday,  December 15, 2011 6:59 PM
> To: _rr at fairvote.org_  (mailto:rr at fairvote.org) ; _BSmith at law.capital.edu_
>  (mailto:BSmith at law.capital.edu)
> Cc:  _law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:law-election at department-lists.uci.edu)
> Subject: Re:  [EL]  An Electoral College  Tie?
>
>
>
>
>
>
> Unless  you  are a political consultant looking for work in a particular
> state,  why  would you care that "Those small states collectively 
received  a
> grand  total of one campaign visit from a major party candidate  for
> president
> and  vice-president in the final two months  of the 2008 campaign."
> Presidential elections are not about where  candidates campaign but  about
> electing
> the best  President. But since many of the  supporters of NPV, especially 
 on
> the Republican side, are political  consultants paid by NPV,  they find 
this
> argument persuasive.  I find it   irrelevant.  Jim  Bopp
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>  In  a message dated 12/15/2011 5:49:40 P.M. Eastern Standard   Time,
> _rr at fairvote.org_ (mailto:rr at fairvote.org)   writes:
>
>
>
>  Brad,
>
>
>
>
>
> A  lot of NPV  advocates believe the candidate with fewer votes shouldn't
> beat   someone with more votes, but see the more pressing problem to be 
the
>  grotesque distortion of candidate behavior and White House policy  focus
> that
> is created by the current Electoral College  rules.
>
> There's  compelling evidence of a deadly  combination: a shrinking of the
> number of  swing states and the  hardening of the definition of what is a
> swing
> state.   Some folks questioned FairVote's 2008 analysis concluding that 
the
>  number  of swing states going into 2012 was going to be smaller than  
ever,
> but I  trust no one is questioning it now. We were right --  analysts like
> Larry  Sabato now talk about fewer than 10 swing  states likely to 
determine
> the
>  2012 election, just as we  explained after the 2008 results came  in.
>
> You can take  it to the bank right now that this will have an  impact on
>  turnout in swing states versus others Furthermore, if the Obama   
campaign
> acts
> like the Bush re-election campaign in 2004 - and  all  indications are 
that
> they will -- then they won't waste a  dime on polling  a single person 
living
> outside of the swing  states. Bush campaign  strategist Matthew Dowd said 
the
> campaign  didn't poll anyone outside a  potential battleground for the  
final
> 30 months of the 2004 campaign, which  of course influenced  a lot of what
> the campaign did in policy proposals at  the same  time the president was
> tasked with governing the nation as a   whole.
>
>
> This  dynamic unavoidably has a policy  impact. Perhaps the most revealing
> insight into distortions created by  the current rules came from candid
> remarks from former U.S. Senator  Arlen Specter this fall. Specter
> represented
> Pennsylvania in  the U.S. Senate for three decades, and he saw  a lot of
>  presidents come and go - -and come and go .....and come and  go.... as  
he
> represented a big swing state. Check out this blogpost by my   colleague
> Katie Kelly
> reporting on what Specter said, with  some sample  quotes from  Specter:
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>  
_http://www.fairvote.org/arlen-specter-extra-money-for-swing-state-status_
>  
(http://www.fairvote.org/arlen-specter-extra-money-for-swing-state-status#.Tu
>  p3UTVAaRg)
>
>
>
>
> “I  think it’d be very  bad for Pennsylvania because we wouldn’t attract
> attention from  Washington on important funding projects for the state. We
> are trying  to get more funding now for the deepening of the port [of
>  Philadelphia]. When I was on the Appropriations Committee, we got $77
>  million over
> the years …We are trying to get the president to do   more."
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>  “Under  the current electoral system, [President] Obama has good reason  
to
> give us  the money to carry Pennsylvania. Because presidents  think that 
way,
> it  affects their decisions. … In 2004, when I  ran with [President George
> W.]  Bush, he … came to Pennsylvania  44 times, and he was looking for 
items
> the  state needed to help  him win the state. … It’s undesirable to 
change
> the  system so  presidents won’t be asking us always for what we need, 
what
> they   can do for us.”
>
>
>
>
>
> I  find  it hard to believe the founding fathers, if suddenly in our 
midst,
>  would accept keeping rules that make a Pennsylvania citizen so much  more
> important than a citizen in our ten smallest states. Those small  states
> collectively received a grand total of one campaign visit from  a major
> party
> candidate for president and vice-president in  the final two months  of 
the
> 2008 campaign. Just as striking, the  single swing state of Ohio had  far
> more
> campaign events  in the final two months of the campaign then  _combined__
> number  of events in the smallest 25   states.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>  Unlike  many folks today, the founders were not afraid of change.  They
> weren't  afraid of fixing things that didn't work. They  certainly weren't
> afraid
> of  fixing the first version of  the Electoral College, with the failures 
of
>  1796 and 1800  leading to the 12th amendment. Rather than accept the
> consequences of  the winner-take-all rule, I'm sure they would want to do
> something  about it. Based on what James Madison thought about 
presidential
>  elections, I believe they'd back a national popular   vote.
>
>
>
>
> Of  course they're not  around, so it's up to us. But certainly a lot of 
us
> think there's a  very strong case to be made against the status quo --
> certainly one  that we can base in facts, while I see nearly all 
opposition
> arguments  being grounded in sentiment and  fear.
>
>
>
>  Rob
>
>
> On  Thu, Dec 15, 2011 at 3:29 PM, Smith, Brad  <_BSmith at law.capital.edu_
> (mailto:BSmith at law.capital.edu)  >  wrote:
>
>
>
> I  think that Richard’s  comment actually gets at a key point that
> undermines  much of the  case for NPV. There are many arguments for NPV, 
but
> the key
>  one is that direct popular vote is either the only or at least the  most
> legitimate way to select the president.  Every poll shows  that  
substantial
> majorities  agree.
>
>
>
> Yet  oddly enough, nobody really  much cares that we routinely elect
> executives  without popular  majorities. And despite the fact that many
> leading
> proponents  of NPV say we should use popular vote because “the president
>  should
> be chosen by a majority of our citizens” (Birch Bayh, in Kaza  et  al. 
Every
> Vote Equal, at xxii), or because “majority rule  [is] a  fundamental 
tenant
> of our democracy (John Anderson, Kaza  et al at xviii)  in fact, as 
Richard p
> oints out, NPV doesn’t do  what Senator Birch says he  wants and what Rep.
> Anderson says  is  “fundamental.”
>
>
>
> Those  of us who  understand elections also understand that there are
> numerous   ways to hold elections, and we know that huge numbers of 
elections
>  are
> held in both private and public organizations that violate the  majority
> rules concept – or even the plurality rules. Moreover, we  know that 
voting
> procedures frequently place limits on majority  opinion, the most obvious
> perhaps being super-majority  requirements.
>
>
>
> I  don’t see any reason why  having a president who did not receive a
> national  plurality (let  alone a national majority) is more inherently  
more
>
>  disturbing than having a House or a Senate whose majority did not  
receive  a
> majority or even a plurality of votes, or a speaker of  the House or  
Leader
> of
> the Senate who was elected by  members representing less than a  majority 
or
> even a  plurality.
>
>
>
> And  there seems to be little  reason to believe that the American people
> are  particularly  worked up about it either. Richard points out that we
> routinely elect  executives who had more people vote against than for 
them  –
>  sometimes by quite substantial margins. Yet they do not face a crisis  of
> legitimacy.
>
>
>
> In  my  observation, despite what they say when a single, out of context
>  question is posed to them in a poll, people are much more attuned to
>  following what seem to be reasonably fair, agreed upon rules in  advance,
> rather
> than insisting that only one rule (majority or  plurality rule) can  ever 
be
> fair; majorities quite routinely  accede to the desires of  minorities;
> voting
> systems are  quite routinely established to deny  majority – let alone
>  plurality – victory. By the same token, people are  happy, in many 
cases,  to
> accept
> plurality winners – so much so that  Messrs.  Bayh, Anderson, and others
> toss around the term “majority” when   they appear to mean “plurality”
> without
> even thinking much  about  it.
>
>
>
> If  we are to believe  many NPV supporters, there should have been a
> national  uproar  after the 2000 election. Well, to some extent there was 
–
> but  it
> was not over the electoral college. At all times very  substantial
> majorities seemed quite content with the knowledge that  the Florida 
winner
> would
> claim the presidency. Efforts to  abolish or change the electoral  
college –
> including NPV –  remained the hobby horses of a small number of
> well-financed
>  good-government groupies, not any kind of mass   movement.
>
>
>
> In  short, we live in a country  that is clearly dedicated to popular 
rule,
> but  within the rule  of law, and with popular not always – in fact 
perhaps
> surprisingly  rarely – defined as majority or even plurality vote at any
> given  moment.
>
>
>
> As  a result, NPV proponents seem  to constantly assuming what they ought 
to
> be  proving – that NPV  actually would result in better governance, or 
truly
> is  more  “fair” – once we define fair, and get beyond the facile
>  proclamations  such as those found in the movement’s magnum opus, Every  
Vote
> Equal.
> Here, I think that the case that has been made for  effectively  
abolishing
> the electoral college is exceedingly  weak, based more on horror  stories 
of
> improbable counterfactual  scenarios and presumed but not  particularly
> probable reactions  of the public to those  scenarios.
>
>
>
>  Conversely,  those who would defend the Electoral College need not  
defend
> the process  for choosing a president in the House of  Representatives,
> though
> I believe  it can be defended –  rather, they need to defend the Electoral
> College  system as a  whole against NPV, because it is the Electoral 
College
> that  NPV  seeks to effectively abolish, not just the House of
>  Representatives
>  contingency. That’s not that hard, if only  because NPV supporters have
> done so little to show that NPV would  result in better presidents or  
better
>  government.
>
>
>
> Bradley  A.  Smith
>
> Josiah  H. Blackmore II/Shirley M.  Nault
>
> Designated  Professor of Law
>
>  Capital  University Law School
>
> 303  East Broad  Street
>
> Columbus,  OH 43215
>
> _(614)  236-6317_ (tel:(614)%20236-6317)
>
> _bsmith at law.capital.edu_  (mailto:bsmith at law.capital.edu)
>
>  _http://www.law.capital.edu/faculty/bios/bsmith.asp_
>  (http://www.law.capital.edu/faculty/bios/bsmith.asp)
>
>
>
>  From: _law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu)
>  [mailto:_law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu) ] On
> Behalf  OfRichard Winger
> Sent: Thursday,  December 15, 2011 2:26  PM
> To: _law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) ;   MarkScarberry
>
>
>
>
> Subject: Re:  [EL]  An Electoral College  Tie?
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> I don't  believe we should be so frightened of the  idea that a winning
>  presidential candidate might have received only  40% of the total  
popular
> vote.
> 45 of the 50 states elect their  Governors  like that.  Whoever gets the
> most votes wins,  period.   Louisiana, Washington, California and Georgia
> force
> a   majority vote by having a round with only two candidates on the   
ballot,
> and Vermont lets the legislature choose when no one gets  a  majority for
> Governor.  In the other 45 states, a  winning  gubernatorial candidate 
just
> needs more votes than  anyone  else.
>
> The lowest share of the popular vote any  winning  gubernatorial candidate
> ever got in the last 170 years  was in  Washington state in 1912, when the
> Democratic nominee,  Ernest  Lister, won with only 30.6% of the popular 
vote.
>
>  In that  election, the Republican nominee got 30.4% and the  Progressive
> nominee got 24.4%.
>
> Richard Winger
>  _415-922-9779_ (tel:415-922-9779)
> PO Box 470296, San Francisco  Ca  94147
>
> --- On Thu, 12/15/11, Scarberry,  Mark  <_Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu_
>  (mailto:Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu) > wrote:
>
> From:  Scarberry,  Mark <_Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu_
>  (mailto:Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu) >
> Subject: Re:  [EL] An  Electoral College Tie?
> To:  "_law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) "
>  <_law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) >
> Date:   Thursday, December 15, 2011, 11:02 AM
>
>
>
> In   such a case, would we really want the national plurality vote winner
>  (perhaps with 40% of the vote) to become  President?
>  Perhaps  if no candidate receives a majority of the electoral vote  then,
> instead of the current system or the national popular vote  system,  there
> should be a choice of the President either by a  joint session  of 
Congress
> or
> by vote of the House (with  each member having one  vote).
> Of  course that would require  a constitutional amendment, but in my view
> it would also take a  constitutional amendment to move to a popular  vote
> system, at  least to one that has a blackout period like the  proposed 
NPVIC.
>  Mark
>
> Mark  S. Scarberry
> Pepperdine  Univ.  School of Law
> Malibu,  CA 90263
> _(310)506-4667_  (tel:(310)506-4667)
>
>
> From:  _law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu)
>  [mailto:_law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu) ] On
> Behalf Of  Justin  Levitt
> Sent: Thursday, December 15, 2011  10:23  AM
> To: _law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:law-election at department-lists.uci.edu)
> Subject: Re:  [EL]  An Electoral College Tie?
>
> It's not just a tie that could  send  the election to the House of
> Representatives ... I believe  it's any  lack of a majority.  If, for
> example, the
>  Americans Elect  candidate wins enough electoral votes to deprive either 
 the
>
> Republican nominee or the Democratic nominee of an  Electoral College
> majority, the House decides the   election.
>
> Justin
> --
> Justin Levitt
>  Associate Professor of Law
> Loyola Law School | Los Angeles
> 919  Albany St.
> Los Angeles, CA  90015
> _213-736-7417_  (tel:213-736-7417)
> _justin.levitt at lls.edu_  (http://mc/compose?to=justin.levitt@lls.edu)
> _ssrn.com/author=698321_  (http://ssrn.com/author=698321)
>
>
> On 12/15/2011 9:37 AM,  Dan Johnson  wrote:
>
> I'd love to see opponents of the  National Popular Vote mount a  robust
> defense of the House of  Representatives in a  
one-vote-per-state-delegation
> selecting the  President (the result of  a not-implausible tie in 
electoral
>  votes).
>
>
>
> Because, after all, that is what they  are defending. A tie will  
eventually
> occur. Let us hope that the  National Popular Vote compact  is established
> and confirmed by  the Supreme Court before that  mathematical certainty 
rears
> its  ugly head.
>
>
>
> Dan
>
>
>
>  On Thu, Dec 15, 2011 at 11:24 AM, Rick Hasen <_rhasen at law.uci.edu_
>  (http://mc/compose?to=rhasen@law.uci.edu) > wrote:
>
>
>  _“An  Electoral College Tie?”_  (http://electionlawblog.org/?p=26579)
>
> Posted on  _December  15, 2011 9:18 am_
>  (http://electionlawblog.org/?p=26579)  by _Rick  Hasen_
>  (http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3)
>
> National Journal  _ponders_
>  
(http://decoded.nationaljournal.com/2011/12/an-electoral-college-tie.php)  .
>
>
>
>
>
> --
> Dan   Johnson
>
> Partner
>
> Korey Cotter Heater and  Richardson, LLC
>
> 111 West Washington, Suite  1920
>  Chicago, Illinois 60602
>
> _http://www.kchrlaw.com_  (http://www.kchrlaw.com/)
>
>
> _312.867.5377_  (tel:312.867.5377)  (office)
> _312.933.4890_  (tel:312.933.4890)  (mobile)
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>  (http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election)
>  --
> Justin Levitt
> Associate Professor of Law
> Loyola Law  School | Los Angeles
> 919 Albany St.
> Los Angeles, CA   90015
> _213-736-7417_ (tel:213-736-7417)
>  _justin.levitt at lls.edu_ (http://mc/compose?to=justin.levitt@lls.edu)
>  _ssrn.com/author=698321_  (http://ssrn.com/author=698321)
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>  --
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> "Respect  for Every  Vote and Every Voice"
>
> Rob  Richie
> Executive   Director
>
> FairVote
> 6930 Carroll  Avenue, Suite  610
> Takoma Park, MD 20912
> _www.fairvote.org _  (http://www.fairvote.org/)  _rr at fairvote.org_
>  (mailto:rr at fairvote.org)
> _(301)  270-4616_  (tel:(301)%20270-4616)
>
> Please support FairVote through action  and  tax-deductible donations -- 
see
> _http://fairvote.org/donate_  (http://fairvote.org/donate) . For federal
> employees,  please  consider  a gift to us through the Combined Federal
>  Campaign
>  (FairVote's  CFC number is 10132.) Thank   you!
>
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>  _______________________________________________
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> _Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu)
>  _http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election_
>  (http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election)
>
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>  _______________________________________________
> Law-election   mailing list
> _Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_
>  (mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu)
>  _http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election_
>  (http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election)
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>  --
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> "Respect for Every   Vote and Every Voice"
>
> Rob Richie
> Executive   Director
>
> FairVote
> 6930 Carroll Avenue, Suite   610
> Takoma Park, MD 20912
> _www.fairvote.org _  (http://www.fairvote.org/)  _rr at fairvote.org_
>  (mailto:rr at fairvote.org)
> (301) 270-4616
>
> Please  support  FairVote through action and tax-deductible donations --  
see
> _http://fairvote.org/donate_ (http://fairvote.org/donate) . For  federal
> employees, please  consider  a gift to us through  the Combined Federal
> Campaign
>  (FairVote's  CFC  number is 10132.) Thank   you!
>
>
>
>
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