[EL] Check out F.D.A. Surveillance of Scientists Spread to Outside Critic...

JBoppjr at aol.com JBoppjr at aol.com
Tue Jul 17 08:35:36 PDT 2012


There was no question raised in either case that all the over 250 incidents 
 cited by the Plaintiffs through affidavit and press reports occurred.  The 
 question was were they legally relevant, etc. in order to obtain an  
exemption.  For instance, in Doe v. Reed the court only considered as  legally 
relevant the incidents of harassment against signers of R-71, but  of course 
there weren't any since the petitions were still not public.  Jim  Bopp
 
 
In a message dated 7/17/2012 11:17:50 A.M. Eastern Daylight Time,  
rhasen at law.uci.edu writes:

The  question is whether we are going to go with (unsupported) anecdotes or 
 questions tested in a fair adversarial proceeding in making public policy  
recommendations.


On 7/17/2012 8:15 AM, Smith, Brad wrote:  
I  think we need to stop saying it is "the best evidence we have." It is, 
at  most, the best evidence presented to a court (I'm not sure it's even 
that,  but OK). We know of numerous persons who lost jobs in California after 
Prop  8, we know of people targeted by terrorist groups, and a fair bit  more. 


Bradley A. Smith 
Josiah H. Blackmore II/Shirley M. Nault 
Professor of Law 
Capital University Law School 
303 E. Broad St. 
Columbus, OH 43215 
614.236.6317 
_http://law.capital.edu/faculty/bios/bsmith.aspx_ 
(http://law.capital.edu/faculty/bios/bsmith.aspx) 

  
____________________________________
  
From: _law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu)   
[_law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_ (mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu) ]  on behalf 
of Rick Hasen [_rhasen at law.uci.edu_ (mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu) ]
Sent:  Tuesday, July 17, 2012 10:54 AM
To: Joe La Rue
Cc: _JBoppjr at aol.com_ (mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com) ; _law-election at uci.edu_ 
(mailto:law-election at uci.edu) 
Subject:  Re: [EL] Check out F.D.A. Surveillance of Scientists Spread to 
Outside  Critic...


The catalog of the claims of "harassment" (most of which don't  constitute 
legal harassment) are all contained in the court  opinions.
Once again, it is the best evidence we have and I think readers  interested 
in this issue should read the opinions for themselves and then  decide.



On 7/17/2012 6:18 AM, Joe La Rue wrote:  
Oh! That's right, Jim! I had forgotten the Doe-standard. The Judge  
required you to show evidence that people whose names had not been  revealed 
suffered harassment! But , of course, they hadn't, because nobody  knew who they 
were because their names had not been revealed. It was an  impossible, and I 
would suggest, irrational, standard. And it ignored the  evidence of 
harassment of those whose names HAD been revealed, which was  the point of the case.





On Jul 17, 2012, at 5:37 AM, _JBoppjr at aol.com_ (mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com)  
wrote:




The point we made is that they discounted the evidence of  harassment by 
applying the wrong legal standards.  First, in Doe v  Reed by saying that only 
criminal harassment which the police ignores  and by demanding evidence of 
harassment of signers of R-71 that were not  public.  Second, in Prop 8 the 
court also used the criminal  harassment standard.  We proved over 250 
specific incidents of  harassment of pro-marriage supporters and the courts 
errored in  disregarding much of it by erroneous and restrictive legal  
standards.  Jim Bopp
 
 
In a message dated 7/16/2012 12:11:09 P.M. Eastern Daylight Time,  
_rhasen at law.uci.edu_ (mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu)   writes:



I absolutely agree.
But the two cases---Prop. 8  and Doe v. Reed---provide the strongest cases 
we've seen in  recent years of claims of harassment---and they were tested 
in court  with considerable resources marshaled on each side.
So they are  important pieces of data.
Rick

On 7/16/2012 8:48 AM, Allen Dickerson  wrote:



I  presume most of us have a high opinion of federal judges. But I  think 
people are talking past each other. 
A  judge made particular factual findings in a particular case. Well  and 
good. That doesn’t prove anything universal, or we wouldn’t have  a 
relevance requirement in the Rules of Evidence. 
The  quantum of evidence required to obtain a  Socialist-Workers-style 
exception, and the quantum required  to make a policy argument, are different. I 
took Jim’s point to be  broadly about the danger of chill emanating from 
disclosure of  particular political activity. The fact this record didn’t 
convince  a judge doesn’t mean that it didn’t, or shouldn’t, convince  
legislators. Or, for that matter, academics and practitioners.   
I  haven’t examined the record in sufficient detail to know how this  comes 
out. But you can’t foreclose the broader policy discussion  based solely on 
this ruling. 
 
 
From:  _law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu)   
[_mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_ (mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu) ]  
On Behalf Of Rick Hasen
Sent: Monday, July 16, 2012  11:39 AM
To: Joe La Rue
Cc: _JBoppjr at aol.com_ (mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com) ; _law-election at uci.edu_ 
(mailto:law-election at uci.edu) 
Subject:  Re: [EL] Check out F.D.A. Surveillance of Scientists Spread to  
Outside Critic...

My experience in the  trial courts is that almost all judges do an 
excellent job when it  comes to factfinding.  Is that not your experience?  If  you 
disagree with the judge's factual findings in the case, you can  appeal, and 
my sense is that appellate courts generally do a very  good job reviewing 
factual findings under a substantial evidence  rule.

When it comes to the value judgments Supreme Court  Justices make in 
constitutional cases, that is a different  matter---they mask their value 
judgments behind factual  findings.  And I've been just as critical of how liberal  
Justices do it (_see my criticism_ 
(http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=241458)  of Justice  Souter's opinion in Shrink Missouri on the 
quantum of evidence  sufficient to support contribution laws) as conservative 
 Justices.

Do you have a particular complaint about the  factual findings of the 
judges in the Prop 8 and Doe v. Reed cases,  other than the typical complaints of 
a lawyer who has lost a case  before a judge?


On 7/16/2012 8:33 AM, Joe La Rue wrote:

Rick, you of all people  should recognize that just because a court "finds" 
something, that  doesn't make it so. I've read your criticism of various 
statements  of, say, CJ Roberts, in which you question both his motives and  
whether he acted in a principled manner. 


 
Joe
___________________
Joseph  E. La Rue
 
cell: 480.272.2715  
email: _joseph.e.larue at gmail.com_ (mailto:joseph.e.larue at gmail.com) 
 


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On Mon, Jul 16, 2012 at 8:31 AM, Rick Hasen  <_rhasen at law.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu) > wrote: 
 
Enough already of  the unsupported claims of massive harassment.  These 
were  tested in Court.  Here's the relevant portion of the trial  court's 
decision granting summary judgment against Jim's clients  on this issue.   I've 
put in bold some of the more  relevant findings. 
_ProtectMarriage.com_ (http://protectmarriage.com/)  v. Bowen
830  F.Supp.2d 914
E.D.Cal.,2011.
November 04, 2011 (Approx. 34  pages)


Moreover,  while Plaintiffs are quite correct that under _Buckley_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&r
p=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=1976142308&vr=2.0&f
n=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)  evidence  of harassment “from 
either Government officials or private  parties” could suffice to establish 
the requisite proof of  reprisals, the facts of subsequent cases evidence not 
only the  existence of some governmental hostility, but quite pervasive  
governmental hostility at that. _Buckley, 424 U.S. at  74, 96 S.Ct. 612_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=708&rs=WLW12.
04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=197614230
8&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)  (emphasis added); see 
also _McArthur, 716 F.Supp.  at 594_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=345&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&find
type=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=1989115620&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&r
eferencepositiontype=S&pbc=154255A8&referenceposition=594&utid=1)  (“
[H]arassment, reprisals or threats from private  persons are sufficient to allow 
[the] court to enforce the  plaintiff's first amendment rights by cloaking 
the contributors  and recipients' names in secrecy.”). 
 
Indeed, the _Brown_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&
serialnum=1982152768&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)  
Court was  confronted with countless acts of government harassment and  
retribution against members of the SWP, which are detailed above.  Furthermore, in 
_Hall–Tyner,_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serial
num=1982123204&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)  the  
Second Circuit stated, “[t]he evidence relied on by the district  judge 
included the extensive body of state and federal legislation  subjecting Communist 
Party members to civil disability and  criminal liability, reports and 
affidavits documenting the history  of governmental surveillance and harassment 
of Communist Party  members, as well as affidavits indicating the desire of  
contributors to the Committee to remain anonymous.” _678 F.2d at  419_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=350&rs=WLW12.
04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=198212320
4&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&referencepositiontype=S&pbc=154255A8&referen
ceposition=419&utid=1) .
 
Plaintiffs do not, indeed cannot, allege  that the movement to recognize 
marriage in California as existing  only between a man and a woman is 
vulnerable to the same threats  as were socialist and communist groups, or, for that 
matter, the  NAACP. Proposition 8 supporters *932  promoted a concept 
entirely devoid of governmental hostility.  Plaintiffs' belief in the traditional 
concept of marriage, to  disagreement, have not historically invited 
animosity. The Court  is at a loss to find any principled analogy between two such 
 greatly diverging sets of circumstances.
 
Finally, Plaintiffs' exemption argument  appears to be premised, in large 
part, on the concept that  individuals should be free from even legal 
consequences of their  speech. That is simply not the nature of their  right.
 
Just as contributors to Proposition 8  are free to speak in favor of the 
initiative, so are opponents  free to express their disagreement through 
proper legal  means.
 
**17 While the Court is cognizant of the  deplorable nature of many of acts 
alleged by Plaintiffs, the Court  also must reiterate that the legality or 
morality of any specific  acts is not before it. Thus, as much as the Court 
strongly  condemns the behavior of those who resort to violence, and/or  
other illegal behavior, the Court need not, indeed cannot,  evaluate the proper 
legal consequences of those actions  today.
 
By the same token, nothing in the Court's  decision immunizes or excuses 
those who have engaged in illegal  acts from the consequences of their 
conduct. Those responsible for  threatening the lives of supporters of Proposition 
8 are subject  to criminal liability. See Troupis Decl., Exh. C (noting that 
the  Fresno chief of police stated the department was “close to making  an 
arrest” in the case of the death threats delivered to the mayor  and a local 
pastor.) Those choosing to vandalize the property of  individuals or the 
public are likewise liable. Those mailing white  powder to organizations are 
subject to federal prosecution. In  each case, there are appropriate legal 
channels through which to  rectify and deter the reoccurrence of such 
reprehensible  behavior.
 
As much as those channels are available  today, it is unlikely that groups 
previously successful in seeking  exemptions were privy to the same 
opportunities. Again, Plaintiffs  have shown no societal or governmental hostility 
to their cause.  Contrary to groups such as the SWP, Plaintiffs can seek 
adequate  relief from law enforcement and the legal system. Such was not  the 
case for those thought to be supporting the SWP or communist  groups, those 
subject to actual criminal liability based on their  beliefs and their 
associations.

_ProtectMarriage.com,  599 F.Supp.2d at 1217–1218_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=4637&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/
default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=2018198951&vr=2.0&fn=_top&s
v=Split&tf=-1&referencepositiontype=S&pbc=154255A8&referenceposition=1217&ut
id=1) . 
 
Despite Plaintiffs  attempt now to put forth additional evidence of 
threats,  harassment and reprisals, the Court's findings remain the same.  More 
specifically, despite the additional declarations and  exhibits that are now 
before the Court, Plaintiffs still run into  problems of proportionality and 
magnitude.
 
First,  while Plaintiffs characterize their evidence as voluminous and  
comprised of “virtually countless reports of threats, harassment,  and 
reprisals,” Plaintiffs' Motion, 4:14–15, they have pointed to  relatively few 
incidents allegedly suffered by persons located  across the entire country who 
had somehow manifested their support  for traditional marriage. In addition, 
while the evidence  before this Court indicates that at least 7 million 
voters showed  up at the California polls alone to support the passage of  
Proposition 8, this number, though large, still deceptively  underestimates the 
number of supporters for Plaintiffs' cause.  Indeed, this figure does not 
capture all individuals supporting  Proposition 8 on a national scale, nor does 
it capture those  individuals who may have no connection to California's 
campaign,  but *933 have supported the same cause in  other regions. 
Plaintiffs' evidence of harassment, nonetheless  extends much farther than 
California's borders and includes  incidents that arose in other states and that were 
directed at the  much broader social issue of gay marriage in general.
 
**18 Accordingly,  even assuming Plaintiffs could, under some set of 
circumstances,  prove an entitlement to an exemption, they would need evidence of  
thousands of acts of reprisals, threats or harassment, spanning  much more 
than the short period of time covering California's  ballot-initiative 
process to prove contributors to such a massive  group are entitled to anonymity 
of the type justified years ago  for the individuals in _Brown_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/f
ind/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=1982152768&vr=2.0&fn=_t
op&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)  and _NAACP._ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/defaul
t.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=1958121466&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Spli
t&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)  The  declarations of 58 individuals signed in 
the months just following  the election, along with Plaintiffs' anecdotal 
evidence from the  same time period as documented in Exhibits 3 and 4, is 
simply  insufficient on the facts of this case to convince this Court an  
ordinary contributor to Proposition 8 would have faced any  backlash worthy of 
quashing the names of all contributors._FN9_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/result/documenttext.aspx?ss=CNT&mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&utid=1&n=1&cnt=DOC&rlt=CLID_
FQRLT799262410167&scxt=WL&service=Find&rp=/Find/default.wl&vr=2.0&cxt=DC&rlt
i=1&sv=Split&fn=_top&cite=2011+WL+5507204&rs=WLW12.04#B00992026501938)   
See, e.g., _Doe v. Reed, 130 S.Ct.  at 2829_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=708&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl
&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=2022366335&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf
=-1&referencepositiontype=S&pbc=154255A8&referenceposition=2829&utid=1)  
(taking the position exemptions may be permitted “in  the rare circumstance in 
which disclosure poses a reasonable  probability of serious and widespread 
harassment”) (Sotomayor, J.,  concurring-joined by Stevens and Ginsburg).

_FN9._ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/result/documenttext.aspx?ss=CNT&mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&utid=1&n=1&cnt=DOC&rlt=CLID_FQRLT799262410167&scxt=WL&service=F
ind&rp=/Find/default.wl&vr=2.0&cxt=DC&rlti=1&sv=Split&fn=_top&cite=2011+WL+5
507204&rs=WLW12.04#F00992026501938)  Plaintiffs even  acknowledge in their 
papers that only a minority of individuals  on the other side of the 
campaign resorted to the complained of  tactics that are cause for concern. 
Plaintiffs' Motion, 1:10–12  (“Some groups and individuals, certainly a minority, 
have  resorted to advancing their cause, not by debating the merits of  the 
issue, but by discouraging participation in the democratic  process through 
acts calculated to intimidate.”) (emphasis  added).



_[2]_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/result/documenttext.aspx?ss=CNT&mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&utid=1&n=1&cnt=DOC&rlt=CLID_FQRLT799262410167&scxt=WL&service=Fi
nd&rp=/Find/default.wl&vr=2.0&cxt=DC&rlti=1&sv=Split&fn=_top&cite=2011+WL+55
07204&rs=WLW12.04#F22026501938)  _<ELChecko>_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/KCNotes/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&locatestring=HD(002),CL(H,O),DC(A,L,O
,D,G),DT(E,D,C,M)&utid=1&n=1&rlt=CLID_FQRLT799262410167&service=Find&pbc=154
255A8&rp=/KCNotes/default.wl&vr=2.0&rlti=1&sv=Split&fn=_top&serialnum=202650
1938&rs=WLW12.04) Moreover, as the Court previously  observed, notably 
absent from the record here are any instances in  which Plaintiffs have suffered 
any sort of governmental  backlash. While, based on the language derived 
from _Buckley,_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialn
um=1976142308&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)   
governmental harassment is not necessarily a required showing, it  is a factor for 
this Court to consider. Indeed, some governmental  animosity has been present 
in all other cases in which an  exemption has been permitted. Perhaps 
recognizing this, Plaintiffs  argue “[t]here can be no question that in many 
areas in  California, and around the country, views against same-sex  marriage 
... are extremely unpopular” and “[e]ven our courts of  law have 
characterized those who fight against such laws as  advocates of hate and bigotry who 
act ‘without reason.’ ”  Plaintiffs' Motion, 12:15–18. Nonetheless, any 
attempt by  Plaintiffs to show governmental animosity here is half-hearted at  
best. As described above, parties entitled to an as-applied  exemption 
(namely the NAACP and the SWP) in the past had suffered  from systematic 
governmental discrimination, persecution and  abuse. Those plaintiffs were not only 
directly victimized by the  government, they consequently lacked adequate 
recourse to pursue  means short of non-disclosure to protect against private 
violence.  In this case, Plaintiffs cannot assert that there is some sort of  
governmental hostility to their cause, nor can they in good  conscience 
argue that law enforcement was or would be  non-responsive to any illegal acts 
directed at Plaintiffs  contributors._FN10_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/result/documenttext.aspx?ss=CNT&mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&utid=1&n=1&cnt=DOC&rlt=CLID
_FQRLT799262410167&scxt=WL&service=Find&rp=/Find/default.wl&vr=2.0&cxt=DC&rl
ti=1&sv=Split&fn=_top&cite=2011+WL+5507204&rs=WLW12.04#B010102026501938) 

_FN10._ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/result/documenttext.aspx?ss=CNT&mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&utid=1&n=1&cnt=DOC&rlt=CLID_FQRLT799262410167&scxt=WL&service=
Find&rp=/Find/default.wl&vr=2.0&cxt=DC&rlti=1&sv=Split&fn=_top&cite=2011+WL+
5507204&rs=WLW12.04#F010102026501938)   Plaintiffs do argue that their 
contributors were victimized  despite existing laws criminalizing the underlying 
conduct.  Essentially, Plaintiffs argue those laws did nothing to deter  
criminal behavior. However, Plaintiffs have not alleged that any  law 
enforcement response was insufficient, that law enforcement  has somehow turned a 
blind eye to any criminal conduct, or that  criminal sanctions will not be 
imposed if appropriate. That is a  critical distinction between the instant 
case and past cases  such as _Brown_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordo
c=2026501938&serialnum=1982152768&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8
&utid=1)  and  NAACP.



*934 To the  contrary, Plaintiffs' own evidence indicates law enforcement 
was  not only responsive, but diligent in undertaking investigations  into 
some of the more heinous acts alleged here. This factor is  critical in light 
of the comments made by several concurring  Justices in Doe v. Reed, 
indicating the ability of law  enforcement to deal with threats, harassment and 
reprisals would  weigh heavily against a need for an exemption. See, e.g.,  
_Doe, 130 S.Ct. at  2829_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=708&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=20
26501938&serialnum=2022366335&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&referencepositio
ntype=S&pbc=154255A8&referenceposition=2829&utid=1)  (exemption may be 
warranted “in the rare circumstance in  which disclosure poses a reasonable 
probability of serious and  widespread harassment that the State is unwilling or 
unable to  control”) (Sotomayor, J., concurring, joined by Stevens and  
Ginsburg); _id. at 2831_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938
&serialnum=2022366335&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)  (“
>From  time to time throughout history, persecuted groups have been able  to 
criticize oppressive practices and laws either anonymously or  not at all 
... In my view, this is unlikely to occur in cases  involving the PRA. Any 
burden on speech that petitioners posit is  speculative as well as indirect. 
For an as-applied challenge to a  law such as the PRA to succeed, there would 
have to be a  significant threat of harassment directed at those who sign 
the  petition that cannot be mitigated by law enforcement measures.”)  
(Stevens and Breyer, JJ., concurring); _id. at 2837_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&fi
ndtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=2022366335&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1
&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)   (“There are laws against threats and intimidation; 
and harsh  criticism, short of unlawful action, is a price our people have  
traditionally been willing to pay for self-governance.”) (Scalia,  J., 
concurring).
 
**19 In addition,  the vast majority of the incidents cited by Plaintiffs 
are  arguably, as characterized by Defendants, typical of any  controversial 
campaign. For example, picketing, protesting,  boycotting, distributing 
flyers, destroying yard signs and voicing  dissent do not necessarily rise to 
the level of “harassment” or  “reprisals,” especially in comparison to acts 
directed at groups  in the past. Moreover, a good portion of these actions 
are  themselves forms of speech protected by the United States  Constitution. 
Indeed this Court previously held  that:
 
[T]he Court simply cannot ignore the fact that  numerous of the acts about 
which Plaintiffs complain are  mechanisms relied upon, both historically and 
lawfully, to voice  dissent. The decision and ability to patronize a 
particular  establishment or business is an inherent right of the American  
people, and the public has historically remained free to choose  where to, or not 
to, allocate its economic resources. As such,  individuals have repeatedly 
resorted to boycotts as a form of  civil protest intended to convey a 
powerful message without resort  to non-violent means. The Supreme Court has 
acknowledged these  rights on many an occasion:
 
In _Thornhill v. Alabama,  310 U.S. 88, 60 S.Ct. 736, 84 L.Ed. 1093 (1940)_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=708&rs=
WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=194
0125855&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1) , the Court  
held that peaceful picketing was entitled to constitutional  protection, even 
though, in that case, the purpose of the  picketing “was concededly to advise 
customers and prospective  customers of the relationship existing between 
the employer and  its employees and thereby to induce such customers not to  
patronize the employer.” _Id. at 99, 60 S.Ct.  736._ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=708&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/
default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=1940125855&vr=2.0&fn=_top&s
v=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)  Cf. _Chauffeurs v. Newell,  356 U.S. 
341, 78 S.Ct. 779, 2 L.Ed.2d 809 [ (1958) ]_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=708&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl
&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=1958207756&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf
=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1) . In _Edwards v. South  Carolina, 372 U.S. 229, 83 
S.Ct. 680, 9 L.Ed.2d 697 [ (1963)  ],_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=708&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&fi
ndtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=1963101511&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1
&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)  we held that a peaceful march and demonstration was  
protected by the rights of free speech, free assembly, and freedom  to 
petition for a redress of grievances.
 
_NAACP v. Claiborne  Hardware Co., 458 U.S. 886, 909, 102 S.Ct. 3409, 73 
L.Ed.2d  1215 (1982)_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=708&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=20265
01938&serialnum=1982130119&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1
) . Notably, “[s]peech does not lose its protected  character ... simply 
because it may embarrass others or *935  coerce them into action.” _Id. at 
910, 102 S.Ct.  3409._ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=708&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=20265
01938&serialnum=1982130119&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1
) 

_ProtectMarriage.com,  599 F.Supp.2d at 1218_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=4637&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/defau
lt.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=2018198951&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Spl
it&tf=-1&referencepositiontype=S&pbc=154255A8&referenceposition=1218&utid=1)
 . 
 
As to Plaintiffs'  allegations of “economic reprisals” in the form of 
voluntary or  forced resignations, as opposed to cases in which a relatively  
high percentage of small groups seeking an exemption were actually  fired from 
their places of employment, Plaintiffs here have  documented no 
terminations. See, e.g., SWP. Rather,  Plaintiffs point only to instances of several 
individuals who  allegedly resigned amidst controversy over their 
contributions to  or support of Proposition 8, but even those individuals had their  own 
supporters and nonetheless made the affirmative and individual  decision to 
resign.
 
More  troubling here are the few instances of violence or criminal  
activity that do not fall within the realm of protected speech.  The Court does not 
take lightly the use of the mail to terrorize  people with counterfeit 
biological agents or to threaten the lives  of individuals taking a stand for 
their particular beliefs, nor  does the Court condone the use of force or the 
escalation of  peaceful protests to violence to make one's position known. 
_FN11_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/result/documenttext.aspx?ss=CNT&mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&utid=1&n=1&cnt=DOC&rlt=CLID_FQRLT799262410167&scxt=WL&service=Fin
d&rp=/Find/default.wl&vr=2.0&cxt=DC&rlti=1&sv=Split&fn=_top&cite=2011+WL+550
7204&rs=WLW12.04#B011112026501938)   However, Plaintiffs have produced 
insufficient evidence that  the more incendiary events on which they rely were 
connected to  Proposition 8 or to gay marriage at all. Rather, a number of  
these incidents were directed at the Mormon church, which, though  a backer 
of California's proposition, may also have been a target  for any of a number 
of other reasons. In addition, as stated  above, law enforcement appears to 
have responded swiftly and  adequately in each of the instances Plaintiffs 
allege, rendering  this case distinguishable from all cases in the past 
where  exemptions have been granted. And, perhaps more importantly, the  Supreme 
Court has never indicated that even a few acts of  violence, when directed 
at a target as massive as the groups  supporting Plaintiffs, would suffice 
to shield those groups from  the scrutinizing light of the political process.

_FN11._ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/result/documenttext.aspx?ss=CNT&mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&utid=1&n=1&cnt=DOC&rlt=CLID_FQRLT799262410167&scxt=WL&service=
Find&rp=/Find/default.wl&vr=2.0&cxt=DC&rlti=1&sv=Split&fn=_top&cite=2011+WL+
5507204&rs=WLW12.04#F011112026501938)  To the contrary,  those resorting to 
these sorts of tactics do more to undermine  their cause than to further 
any civilized and productive  discourse.



**20 _[3]_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/result/documenttext.aspx?ss=CNT&mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&utid=1&n=1&cnt=DOC&rlt=CLID_FQRLT799262410167&scxt=WL&servi
ce=Find&rp=/Find/default.wl&vr=2.0&cxt=DC&rlti=1&sv=Split&fn=_top
&cite=2011+WL+5507204&rs=WLW12.04#F32026501938)  _<ELChecko>_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/KCNotes/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&locatestring=HD(003),CL(H,O),DC(
A,L,O,D,G),DT(E,D,C,M)&utid=1&n=1&rlt=CLID_FQRLT799262410167&service=Find&pb
c=154255A8&rp=/KCNotes/default.wl&vr=2.0&rlti=1&sv=Split&fn=_top&serialnum=2
026501938&rs=WLW12.04) This  Court also observes that, even assuming there 
is no “strict”  requirement that Plaintiffs prove a chilling effect on 
anticipated  speech, any such effect is notably absent here. Plaintiffs appear  
to have had no problem collecting contributions and those  contributions 
continued to increase even during the most heated  portions of the Proposition 
8 campaign. Cassady Decl., ¶¶ 24–25. A  few John Doe declarants mentioned 
they may be wary of donating in  the future, but those relatively few 
individual statements are  unpersuasive to the Court given Plaintiffs' enormous 
multi-state  backing. Plaintiffs have therefore simply not shown any real  
chill, nor have they shown, as feared by _Buckley,_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&fi
ndtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=1976142308&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1
&pbc=154255A8&utid=1)  that  Plaintiffs' movement was at all susceptible to 
a fall-off in  contributions or that, absent an exemption, the movement 
might not  survive. _Buckley, 424 U.S. at  71, 96 S.Ct. 612_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=708&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/
find/default.wl&findtype=Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=1976142308&vr=2.0&fn=_
top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=154255A8&utid=1) .
 
Finally, this case is  unique because Plaintiffs' contributors' names were 
actually  disclosed years ago and yet Plaintiffs have produced almost no  
evidence of any ramifications suffered in the almost three years  
post-disclosure. While the evidence contained in Plaintiffs'  Exhibits 3 and 4 contain a 
few instances of vandalism that have  occurred more recently than during 
the height of the Proposition 8  campaign and its aftermath, none of those 
articles draw any real  connection between the incidents alleged and the 
victims' support  of traditional marriage. See, e.g., Plaintiffs' Exhs. 4–89,  4–
90, 4–91, 4–93. Even Plaintiffs'*936 counsel at oral argument in 2011  
admitted he was only aware of one instance of harassment that had  occurred 
post-election. Accordingly, from a practical perspective,  it makes no sense to 
buy in to the argument that disclosure  may result in repercussions when 
there is simply no real  evidence in the record that such repercussions 
actually did  occur in the past three years. Plaintiffs' evidence is, quite  
simply, stale. See _Doe v. Reed, 823  F.Supp.2d 1195, 1205 n. 3, 2011 WL 4943952 
at *10 n. 3  (W.D.Wash.2011)_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/find/default.wl?mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&db=0000999&rs=WLW12.04&tc=-1&rp=/find/default.wl&findtype=
Y&ordoc=2026501938&serialnum=2026358710&vr=2.0&fn=_top&sv=Split&tf=-1&pbc=15
4255A8&utid=1) .
 
Accordingly, while Plaintiffs can point  to a relatively few unsavory acts 
committed by extremists or  criminals, these acts are so small in number, 
and in some  instances their connection to Plaintiffs' supporters so  
attenuated, that they do not show a reasonable probability  Plaintiffs' contributors 
will suffer the same fate. Given the  grand scale of Plaintiffs' campaign 
and the massive (and national)  support they garnered for their cause, 
Plaintiffs' limited  evidence is simply insufficient to support a finding that  
disclosure of contributors' names will lead to threats, harassment  or 
reprisals._FN12_ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/result/documenttext.aspx?ss=CNT&mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&utid=1&n=1&cnt=DOC&rlt=CLID_FQRLT799262410167&scxt=WL&s
ervice=Find&rp=/Find/default.wl&vr=2.0&cxt=DC&rlti=1&sv=Split&fn=_top&cite=2011+WL
+5507204&rs=WLW12.04#B012122026501938)   Plaintiffs' Motion for Summary 
Judgment as to this claim is DENIED  and Defendants' Motion for Summary 
Judgment is GRANTED.

_FN12._ 
(http://web2.westlaw.com/result/documenttext.aspx?ss=CNT&mt=LawSchoolPractitioner&utid=1&n=1&cnt=DOC&rlt=CLID_FQRLT799262410167&scxt=WL&service=
Find&rp=/Find/default.wl&vr=2.0&cxt=DC&rlti=1&sv=Split&fn=_top&cite=2011+WL+
5507204&rs=WLW12.04#F012122026501938)  It bears mention  that if the Court 
were to find an exemption warranted here, it is  likely a similar exemption 
would prove warranted in any election  concerning a controversial ballot 
measure. As a result, those  issues in which the public shows the greatest 
interest would be  subject to the least transparency.  
 
 
 
On 7/16/2012 6:34 AM, _JBoppjr at aol.com_ (mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com)   wrote:

 
Of course not, this  involved scientific critics of the FDA.  The point is  
that government officials will go after critics however they  find out 
about them and using the methods they have  available.
 

 
Regarding campaign  contribution, in Doe v. Reed and the Prop 8 case, we 
document  over 250 incidents of harassment of supporters of Prop 8, many  of 
which were only contributors who were map quested on the  Internet. A 
campaign of harassment that occurred against them is  unusual.  Public officials 
that retaliate against critics  are usually very careful to make sure that no 
one knows they are  doing it.  The FDA did not send out a press release on  
their actions against their scientific critics either.  Jim  Bopp
 

 
 
In a message dated  7/15/2012 11:03:48 P.M. Eastern Daylight Time, 
_rhasen at law.uci.edu_ (mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu)   writes:

I  didn't see any evidence in this article that anyone was being  harassed 
for making campaign contributions, and as we've  discussed on this list ad 
nauseum (and as spelled out  in more detail _here_ 
(http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1948313) ), my view of the  evidence from two 
recent cases involving allegations of  harassment of campaign contributors is 
that there is no  systemic evidence that harassment of campaign contributors 
is  a problem.  Rare instances of genuine threats of  harassment may be dealt 
with through an "as applied" exemption  to disclosure laws.



On  7/15/12 8:06 AM, Joe La Rue wrote:

 
It  is interesting that Van Hollen is upset about THIS  disclosure. Of 
course, he was number 14 on the list. I guess  disclosure is only good when it's 
somebody else's speech  that is being disclosed.

On Jul 15, 2012, at 6:28 AM,  _JBoppjr at aol.com_ (mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com)   
wrote:

 
 
_Click here: F.D.A.  Surveillance of Scientists Spread to Outside Critics - 
 NYTimes.com_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/15/us/fda-surveillance-of-scientists-spread-to-outside-critics.html?_r=2&pagewanted=all)  
 

 
Government going  after critics, exactly the type of activity that can 
chill  political speech and that makes disclosure a burden.   Jim Bopp



 
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--  
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Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political  Science
UC Irvine School of Law
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-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
_949.824.3072_ (tel:949.824.3072)  - office
_949.824.0495_ (tel:949.824.0495)  - fax
_rhasen at law.uci.edu_ (mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu) 
_http://law.uci.edu/faculty/page1_r_hasen.html_ 
(http://law.uci.edu/faculty/page1_r_hasen.html) 
_http://electionlawblog.org_ (http://electionlawblog.org/) 
Pre-order The Voting Wars: _http://amzn.to/y22ZTv_ (http://amzn.to/y22ZTv) 


_www.thevotingwars.com_ (http://www.thevotingwars.com/) 





-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
_rhasen at law.uci.edu_ (mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu) 
_http://law.uci.edu/faculty/page1_r_hasen.html_ 
(http://law.uci.edu/faculty/page1_r_hasen.html) 
_http://electionlawblog.org_ (http://electionlawblog.org/) 
Pre-order The Voting Wars: _http://amzn.to/y22ZTv_ (http://amzn.to/y22ZTv) 
_www.thevotingwars.com_ (http://www.thevotingwars.com/) 



-- 

Rick Hasen

Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science

UC Irvine School of Law

401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000

Irvine, CA 92697-8000

949.824.3072 - office

949.824.0495 - fax

_rhasen at law.uci.edu_ (mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu) 

_http://law.uci.edu/faculty/page1_r_hasen.html_ 
(http://law.uci.edu/faculty/page1_r_hasen.html) 

_http://electionlawblog.org_ (http://electionlawblog.org/) 

Pre-order The Voting Wars: _http://amzn.to/y22ZTv_ (http://amzn.to/y22ZTv) 

_www.thevotingwars.com_ (http://www.thevotingwars.com/) 








-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law  and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr.,  Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495  - fax
_rhasen at law.uci.edu_ (mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu) 
_http://law.uci.edu/faculty/page1_r_hasen.html_ 
(http://law.uci.edu/faculty/page1_r_hasen.html) 
_http://electionlawblog.org_ (http://electionlawblog.org/) 






-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law  and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite  1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 -  fax
_rhasen at law.uci.edu_ (mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu) 
_http://law.uci.edu/faculty/page1_r_hasen.html_ 
(http://law.uci.edu/faculty/page1_r_hasen.html) 
_http://electionlawblog.org_ (http://electionlawblog.org/) 


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