[EL] ELB News and Commentary 12/13/13

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Thu Dec 12 20:44:50 PST 2013


    "North Carolina voting changes to go on trial in 2015?
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57407>

Posted on December 12, 2013 8:43 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57407>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Reuters reports 
<http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/12/13/us-usa-northcarolina-voting-idUSBRE9BB19120131213>.

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, 
The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    "New Obama Advisor Brings Corporate Ties"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57404>

Posted on December 12, 2013 8:21 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57404>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

NYT 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/13/us/politics/new-obama-adviser-brings-corporate-ties.html?ref=politics>: 
"Mr. Podesta, named a senior adviser to President Obama, is not 
currently a lobbyist and therefore does not have to worry about the 
Obama administration's self-imposed ban on hiring lobbyists to 
administration jobs. But he will nonetheless arrive at the White House 
after having run an organization [, the Center for American Progress,] 
that has taken millions of dollars in corporate donations in recent 
years and has its own team of lobbyists who have pushed an agenda that 
sometimes echoes the interests of these corporate supporters."

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Posted in conflict of interest laws 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=20>, lobbying 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=28>


    #VAAG: "Republican campaign for Va. attorney general raises new
    questions about Fairfax ballots" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57402>

Posted on December 12, 2013 8:18 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57402>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

WaPo 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/local/virginia-politics/republican-campaign-for-va-attorney-general-raise-new-questions-about-fairfax-ballots/2013/12/11/8518bf96-6134-11e3-bf45-61f69f54fc5f_story.html>: 
"Republican Mark D. Obenshain's campaign for attorney general raised new 
questions Wednesday about how Fairfax County ballots were handled while 
also dismissing the idea that he has already decided to ask the General 
Assembly to step into the race."

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Posted in recounts <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=50>


    "Kill the Election Assistance Commission? Two commissioner nominees
    languish as Congress mulls axing bedraggled body"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57399>

Posted on December 12, 2013 5:04 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57399>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

CPI reports. 
<http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/12/12/13993/kill-election-assistance-commission>

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, 
Election Assistance Commission <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=34>, The 
Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>


    "Campaign contribution limits would double under bill headed to
    Michigan Gov. Rick Snyder" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57397>

Posted on December 12, 2013 5:01 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57397>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The latest 
<http://www.mlive.com/politics/index.ssf/2013/12/campaign_contribution_limits_t.html> 
from Michigan.

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    Secretary of State Project 2.0? <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57395>

Posted on December 12, 2013 5:00 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57395>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

In /The Voting Wars 
<http://www.amazon.com/Voting-Wars-Florida-Election-Meltdown/dp/0300182031/ref=sr_1_cc_2?s=aps&ie=UTF8&qid=1329286945&sr=1-2-catcorr>/, 
I talk about a group called the "Secretary of State Project," whose goal 
was to raise money to elect Democratic Secretaries of State to offices 
to fight Republicans in the battles over election administration.  The 
group received some money from George Soros, and it was demonized by the 
right---even after the group stopped functioning (a la ACORN). It may 
have been instrumental in helping get Jennifer Bruner elected SOS in Ohio.

But then the group disappeared.  I tried to get in touch with the 
group's leaders in writing my book, but they never responded to my queries.

Now comes word from Aaron Blake 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-politics/wp/2013/12/12/amid-voter-id-battle-democrats-launch-pac-for-secretary-of-state-races/>of 
a new attempt along similar lines. From Aaron's story, it does not 
appear this effort is linked to the earlier one.

But I expect the new group will be attacked and tied to the old group, 
even if there are no actual ties between the two organizations.

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, 
The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>


    "The Grinch that stole Elizabeth Warren's Christmas"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57393>

Posted on December 12, 2013 4:28 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57393>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Paul Jossey writes 
<http://dailycaller.com/2013/12/12/the-grinch-that-stole-elizabeth-warrens-christmas/> 
for the /Daily Caller/ on the SEC's decision to put off any rule on 
political disclosure for corporations.

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    Super PACs for Christie to Get Around the Dodd-Frank Rules?
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57391>

Posted on December 12, 2013 1:33 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57391>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Interesting nugget inPlaybook 
<http://www.politico.com/playbook/1213/playbook12470.html> today:

    *"Many of the bankers [Gov Chris Christie] counts as supporters*
    live in New Jersey and are familiar with him from his two campaigns
    for governor. But all that familiarity could be at least a technical
    problem. When the Dodd-Frank reform measures passed three years ago,
    campaign finance laws were broadened to prohibit employees at
    investment firms from supporting candidates with whom their firms
    might do business. Christie allies told us this can be avoided by
    creating a super PAC that will be the repository for Wall Street
    money; campaign finance lawyers aren't so sure. ...

This is an issue which has not been on my radar.  Looking forward to 
learning more about it.

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    "Ohio voting bill could lead to long lines, voter purges"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57389>

Posted on December 12, 2013 1:19 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57389>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Zack Roth reports for MSNBC 
<http://www.msnbc.com/msnbc/ohio-republican-voting-bill>.

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, 
The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>


    Corrected Link to "Jim Crow 2.0?" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57387>

Posted on December 12, 2013 1:04 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57387>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Following up on this post <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57365>, the 
corrected link to the /Perspectives /paper by Keith G. Bentele and Erin 
E. O'Brien ishere. 
<http://jnls.cup.org/abstract.do?componentId=9122051&jid=%3CjournalId%3E>

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, 
The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>


    "North Carolina Shows Why Voting Rights Act Still Needed"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57385>

Posted on December 12, 2013 1:02 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57385>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Ari Berman 
<http://www.thenation.com/blog/177577/north-carolina-shows-why-voting-rights-act-still-needed>:

    A federal judge in Winston-Salem today set the schedule for a trial
    challenging North Carolina's sweeping new voter restrictions
    <http://www.thenation.com/blog/175441/north-carolina-passes-countrys-worst-voter-suppression-law>.
    There will be a hearing on whether to grant a preliminary injunction
    in July 2014 and a full trial a year later, in July 2015.

    This gives the plaintiffs challenging the law
    <http://www.thenation.com/blog/176421/justice-department-challenging-north-carolinas-extreme-voter-suppression-law>,
    which includes the Department of Justice, the ACLU and the North
    Carolina NAACP, a chance to block the bill's worst provisions before
    the 2014 election. Earlier this year, in July 2013, the North
    Carolina legislature passed the country's worst voter suppression
    law
    <http://www.thenation.com/blog/175441/north-carolina-passes-countrys-worst-voter-suppression-law>,
    which included strict voter ID to cast a ballot, cuts to early
    voting, the elimination of same-day voter registration, the repeal
    of public financing of judicial elections and many more
    <http://www.ncpolicywatch.com/2013/07/23/the-evil-symmetry-of-the-2013-session/>
    harsh and unnecessary anti-voting measures.

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Posted in Department of Justice <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=26>, 
election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, The Voting 
Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>


    "Partitioning and Rights: The U.S. Supreme Court's Accidental
    Jurisprudence of Democratic Process"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57383>

Posted on December 12, 2013 12:51 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57383>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Jim Gardner has posted this draft 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2365894> on SSRN.  
Here is the abstract:

    In democracies that allocate to a court responsibility for
    interpreting and enforcing the constitutional ground rules of
    democratic politics, the sheer importance of the task would seem to
    oblige such courts to guide their rulings by developing an account
    of the nature and prominent features of the constitutional
    commitment to democracy. The U.S. Supreme Court, however, has from
    the beginning refused to develop a general account -- a theory -- of
    how the U.S. Constitution establishes and structures democratic
    politics. The Court's diffidence left a vacuum at the heart of its
    constitutional jurisprudence of democratic process, and like most
    vacuums, this one was almost immediately occupied. But the Court
    filled its jurisprudential hole not primarily by invoking principles
    of democracy -- even unstated ones -- but by doing instead what
    reluctant decision makers often do: by reaching for whatever is
    handy. This reaction took two main forms. First, in the absence of a
    pertinent theory to guide it, the Court fell back on habit,
    specifically a habit, developed in its earliest cases, of solving
    problems of political power and representation by partitioning the
    electorate -- that is, by ordering it subdivided. By resorting
    reflexively to this approach, the Court soon came to treat
    partitioning as the preferred solution to most problems of
    democratic representation. Second, the Court reached for the tools
    of decision that were most ready at hand, and those tools were
    individual rights, initially equal protection, then the freedoms of
    speech and association. But because these tools were ill-suited to
    the task, the Court ended up stretching First Amendment analysis in
    these cases beyond its plausible bounds and purposes. A well-ordered
    democratic state needs a thoughtful and deliberate jurisprudence of
    democracy and democratic practice. Instead, the Court has provided
    an accidental, haphazard jurisprudence of habit and availability.

Looking forward to this!

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Posted in theory <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=41>


    Judicial Watch Brings Out Big Guns in North Carolina Voting
    Challenge <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57381>

Posted on December 12, 2013 12:49 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57381>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Former DOJ voting section lawyers Robert Popper and Chris Coates are 
leading a team 
<http://finance.boston.com/boston/news/read?GUID=25882526>trying to 
intervene against DOJ in the North Carolina Voting Rights Act lawsuit.

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Posted in Department of Justice <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=26>, 
election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, The Voting 
Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    "Data Show Improvements in Election Administration in States Using
    ERIC" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57379>

Posted on December 12, 2013 12:19 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57379>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Pew Data Dispatch. 
<http://www.pewstates.org/research/analysis/data-show-improvements-in-election-administration-in-states-using-eric-85899526497>

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>


    "Public Financing: No Cure All" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57377>

Posted on December 12, 2013 12:13 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57377>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Jeff Milyo and David Primo oped. 
<http://www.timesunion.com/opinion/article/Public-financing-no-cure-all-5056247.php?forceWeb=1>

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    Justin Levitt: Don't Ignore Bush v. Gore Bar Mitzvah
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57375>

Posted on December 12, 2013 12:08 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57375>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Here 
<http://www.psmag.com/politics/broken-election-system-becomes-teenager-71414/>, 
at /Pacific Standard./

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Posted in Bush v. Gore reflections <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=5>, 
election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, The Voting 
Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>


    How Congress Works (And the ObamaCare Subsidies Lawsuit)
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57343>

Posted on December 12, 2013 7:03 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57343>by Abbe Gluck 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=15>

Many thanks to Rick for inviting me to contribute.  It's that crazy time 
of year when time is short, but I could not resist beginning my blogging 
gig with a couple of quick posts about the pending Obamacare health 
exchange lawsuit, which should be decided within the next week or so by 
a district court in Washington D.C.(Judge Paul Friedman), and followed 
by several similar decisions in suits pending in Virginia, Oklahoma and 
Indiana.  The case is incredibly important---if the challengers win, 
consumers on more than half of the Obamacare health insurance exchanges 
will receive no tax subsidies to help cover the cost of insurance, an 
outcome that will devastate the operation of the Act. The case, in my 
view, is also incredibly weak.  And perhaps most significantly for law 
professors, the case shows us just how much lawyers and courts have to 
learn about the legislative process.  This post will offer some 
"Congress 101," and explain how an understanding of the ACA's 
legislative process should have put this case to bed long ago.  In my 
next post on this subject, I will tackle some of the other issues in the 
case, including some interesting /Chevron/ arguments.

A quick summary of the case, for those not up to speed: The health 
reform statute, the ACA, sets up new insurance marketplaces (like 
Expedia for health insurance) and provides generous subsidies to 
individuals and families with incomes up to 400% of the federal poverty 
level to help them buy insurance in those marketplaces, which are called 
insurance exchanges. The statute makes states the default operators of 
those exchanges but if a state chooses not to operate one or fails to, 
the federal government steps in.  As most readers know, more than half 
of the states have decided not to operate their own exchanges, and so 
the federal government is doing so (how it's doing in that regard is 
another important story, but one not relevant here).

****What is relevant here is that the ACA is a very badly drafted 
statute.  And it's badly drafted for a simple reason that turns out to 
be important to understanding how the pending litigation should be 
resolved:  Because Senator Ted Kennedy died in the middle of the 
legislative process and was replaced by Republican Scott Brown, the 
statute never went through the usual legislative process, including the 
usual legislative clean-up process. Instead, because the Democrats lost 
their 60^th filibuster-preventing vote, the version that had passed the 
Senate before Brown took office, which everyone initially had thought 
would be a mere first salvo, had to effectively serve as the final 
version, unchangeable by the House, because nothing else could get 
through the Senate.  In the end, the statute was synthesized across both 
chambers by an alternative process, called "reconciliation," which 
allows for only limited changes but avoids a filibuster under Congress's 
rules.  Keep this in mind and read on....

So, the statute is sloppy.  It has three section 1563s, for example, as 
Tim Jost has pointed out.  The section at issue in this case, the one 
introducing the tax subsidies, is another example of the sloppiness.  It 
states that the subsidies shall be available to individuals enrolled in 
insurance "through an Exchange established by the /State/ under section 
1311" of the Act (emphasis added). The challengers argue that this text 
clearly excludes individuals enrolled through federally-operated 
exchanges from receiving the subsidies.   Section 1321 of the Act, 
however, further discusses the state exchanges and sets forth the 
process for the federal government to step in when the states fail to 
operate them. In such case, the Act provides, HHS shall "establish and 
operate /such Exchange within the State/" (emphasis added).  The 
Government points to this and other language to argue that when the 
federal government operates a state exchange it stands in shoes of the 
state exchange and is "such an exchange" for purposes of the Act. At a 
minimum , the Government argues, the statute is more than sufficiently 
ambiguous to trigger agency deference.

There are other provisions that bear on the issue, most importantly 26 
U.S.C. 36B(f)(3), which requires the exchanges to provide information 
about the tax subsidies for each consumer both to the consumer and to 
the federal government.  That section directs its reporting requirements 
to /both/ "[e]ach Exchange ... under section 1311(f)(3) [the state 
exchanges] or 1321c [the /federal/ exchanges]."  In other words, 
36B(f)(3)assumes that the federal exchanges will also be reporting 
information about tax subsidies---a requirement that is arguably 
nonsensical if consumers on federal exchanges are not eligible for those 
subsidies.

My view is that whatever you believe about the merits of these 
respective textual arguments, a basic understanding of the ACA's 
legislative process makes clear that Congress intended for the subsidies 
to be available on the federal exchanges. I think the statute is sloppy, 
but I think its meaning is plain---and not because I am relying on fuzzy 
notions of statutory purpose. Rather, there are formalist, structural 
features of the legislative process that make this case an easy one.  
  (For more about the unforgivable ignorance of lawyers and courts about 
how Congress works, see my two articles, /Statutory Interpretation from 
the Inside---An Empirical Study of Congressional Drafting, Delegation 
and the Canons: I and II/, 65 Stan. L. Rev. 901, 
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2244952, and 66 Stan. 
L. Rev. (forthcoming 2014), 
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2358074(both with 
Lisa Bressman)).

 1. *Why Understanding the ACA's Use of Reconciliation Should End This
    Litigation*

Mostly absent from the briefing for either side in the case is the fact 
that the section in the bill that most clearly provides for both state 
and federal exchange subsidies---the information reporting requirement 
in section 36B(f)(3), quoted above---was added during the 
Reconciliation//process.  The other sections in dispute were added in 
the earlier, Ted Kennedy, Senate draft.   In contrast, 36B(f)(3) came in 
months later. That subsection makes clear the assumption that the 
subsidies would be available on the federally-operated exchanges as well 
as on the state exchanges.  Let me explain now why the fact that 
36B(f)(3) came in through Reconciliation should be the ballgame.

As noted, the Reconciliation process was the House-Senate 
bill-synthesizing process that was used in the ACA instead of the usual 
Conference Committee process.  Everyone who follows Congress knows that 
the Conference stage is the /most important stage/ of the legislative 
process.  Even the courts, which are generally ignorant about the 
legislative process,  acknowledge this fact about the importance of 
Conference.  It's the key stage for two reasons.  First, it's where the 
critical compromises get worked out across the two chambers.  And 
second, it is the /last /stage of the process. In the case of the ACA, 
Reconciliation took the place of Conference, and Reconciliation was 
particularly important because the two chambers did not have their usual 
back and forth during the ordinary legislative process (again, because 
everyone was stuck with Kennedy version of the Senate-passed bill). 
Reconciliation was the only way, in the ACA story, that the two chambers 
reached a final agreement.  It was the critical moment, and the 
provisions added then are where the courts should focus their attention, 
and where any ambiguities should be resolved.

The counterargument, of course, and one the challengers make, is that 
Congress could have done more to clarify its intentions during that 
Reconciliation process.  Sure, that would have done everyone a big 
favor.  But even assuming that the special rules of Reconciliation 
(which only allow certain budget-related changes) would have permitted 
such clarifying changes, that kind of negative inference makes little 
real-world sense --not  only because of the exceedingly messy context of 
the ACA's drafting but, more importantly, because there is /zero 
evidence that anyone thought there was anything to clarify/. Because 
both chambers were certain that the subsidies applied to the federal 
exchanges, there was no reason to focus the chambers' final-stage 
political efforts on uncontroversial provisions.

And it is implausible that there was any doubt on the part of House that 
the federal exchanges would receive the subsidies. Recall that the House 
wanted /all/ of the exchanges federally run and only acceded to the 
Senate, state-led, default version because of the Ted Kennedy situation. 
Given the House's reluctance to make that compromise in the first place, 
it is unthinkable that the House would have silently---without any 
commentary in media, on the floor, or in proposed reconciliation 
amendments---accepted a compromise that so greatly disadvantaged the 
federal exchanges that were its priority all along.   It is of no small 
moment that the Reconciliation bill originated in the House, and is 
where the House got to put its imprint on the legislation. The language 
about the federal and state exchanges added as part of that bill cannot 
be read as anything other than as confirming  the common understanding 
that the subsidies would be available on both types of exchanges.

**2.  The CBO Canon: Construe Statutory Ambiguities Consistent with the 
Assumptions of the Budget Score**

When these cases were first proposed last year, I posted here 
(http://electionlawblog.org/?p=36795 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=36795%28%28http://balkin.blogspot.com/2012/07/cbo-canon-and-debate-over-tax-credits.html>) 
an argument that Congress's intent to give subsidies to the federal 
exchanges was evident from the simple fact that the budgetary estimate 
for the ACA---which was a central part of the legislative 
process---assumed that those subsidies would be available.  More 
generally, I proposed a new "CBO Canon" of statutory interpretation: a 
default interpretive presumption that ambiguous statutes should be 
construed consistent with the assumptions underlying the Congressional 
Budget Office's estimate of the financial impact of the legislation. 
This proposed rule is especially relevant for statutes like the ACA, for 
which the President set a budgetary goal and news outlets repeatedly 
reported that the statute was tweaked over and over again to get the 
numbers just right.

No Supreme Court case has ever utilized the CBO score in this manner, 
but all of the Supreme Court's statutory cases claim to be about 
effectuating the legislative bargain. The challengers in this case also 
have claimed that the purported omission of the subsidies for the 
federal exchanges was /intentional/---that is, they are not trying to 
take an advantage of  something they claim to be a mere drafting error.  
  My recent empirical work with Lisa Bressman strongly suggests that 
congressional drafters rely on the budget score enormously in making 
their deals---indeed, much more so than they rely on the judicial rules 
of statutory interpretation and often even more than they rely on close 
readings of the statutory text itself.  In other words, if the idea 
really is to effectuate the congressional deal, as the challengers 
claim, the courts should construe statutory ambiguities in a way 
consistent with the assumptions made by CBO during the drafting process.

The government and /amici/ have picked up the CBO argument in this case, 
including providing a letter to Congress from CBO director Douglas 
Elmendorf testifying to CBO's initial and ongoing understanding that the 
subsidies would not be for the state exchanges alone. Opponents have 
offered nothing as a counterargument except for the fact that CBO's 
initial calculation assumed, as did most others policymakers, that most 
of the exchanges would be state operated (because that is what the 
federalists now opposing the ACA wanted!).****But that does not change 
the fact that CBO never understood the subsidies to be for the state 
exchanges alone.  And we have more evidence that Congress, the 
President, and the public all knew, followed and relied on that CBO 
estimate throughout the ACA drafting process than we have that any of 
those players were focused on the kind of hyper-technical textual 
arguments---made in the context of a 2,000 page statute---on which the 
challengers hinge this case.

*3. The Legislative History is Irrelevant*

The challengers also make a legislative-history based argument that 
likewise falls by the wayside once one understands the ACA's legislative 
process.  They cite a stray remark by Senator Baucus in September 2009 
explaining that the Finance Committee had jurisdiction over the bill (in 
addition to the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee) because 
subsidies operate as tax credits.  As an initial matter, the Baucus 
comment had nothing to do with differentiating between the state and 
federal exchanges---it was an explanation of why the Committee had 
jurisdiction over amendments relating to health insurance coverage even 
as it would not have jurisdiction over medical malpractice amendments. 
But even if it were relevant, it tells us nothing about whether the 
subsidies might be offered on one, the other, or both. (Read the 
transcript for yourself: 
http://www.finance.senate.gov/hearings/hearing/download/?id=c6a0c668-37d9-4955-861c-50959b0a8392.) 
)  More importantly, it is simply not true, as the challengers claim, 
that also including subsidies for the federal exchanges would somehow 
have deprived the Finance Committee of jurisdiction over the ACA. There 
is zero evidence for any such argument in the record or in the rules of 
the Senate.

Of greater general importance, a stray comment early in the drafting 
process of a statute with a legislative process as unorthodox as the 
ACA's has no place in the judicial decision-making process.  Our recent 
empirical work suggests that congressional insiders would agree.  
Legislative history has an important place in the statute-making process 
when the legislative history represents a consensus, is the product of 
deliberation, and is tied to the text of the ultimate legislation.  It 
has less relevance and is less reliable when the statute goes through a 
process so unpredictable that even its sponsors could not have charted 
its ultimate path.  (The challengers out-of-context use of the Baucus 
comment is proof positive of the risk of legislative-history 
cherry-picking in general, but is all the more risky in messy statutes 
like this one.) And this same risk goes for any other stray comment that 
either side might find.

There's a lot more that could be said about how little we understand the 
legislative process and how important it is---both to this litigation 
and, more generally, to most legal questions that we now face.  Nor have 
I attempted to comprehensively chronicle each of the challengers' more 
minor arguments in this kitchen-sink of a case, or to talk about how 
this case is yet another illustration of the specially divisive politics 
of health reform.  But I'll leave it here for now, and return in a 
future post with some thoughts about the /Chevron/ arguments, which are 
likely to be decisive.

  [cross-posted at Balkinization]


-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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