[EL] ELB News and Commentary 7/8/13

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Mon Jul 8 08:47:10 PDT 2013


    Quote of the Day <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52662>

Posted on July 8, 2013 8:39 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52662> by 
Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

"Super PACs may be bad for America, but they're very good for CBS."

Les Moonves, head of CBS, quoted in NY Times, Campaign Ad Cash Lures 
Buyers to Swing-State TV Stations 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/08/business/media/with-political-ad-profits-swing-state-tv-stations-are-hot-properties.html?hp&_r=0>(via 
Political Wire 
<http://politicalwire.com/archives/2013/07/07/quote_of_the_day.html>).

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10> | 
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    "An Effects-Test Pocket Trigger?" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52659>

Posted on July 8, 2013 8:36 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52659> by 
Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Travis Crum, who wrote an excellent student note 
<http://www.yalelawjournal.org/images/pdfs/895.pdf> on Section 3 bail in 
under the Voting Rights Act, has written this guest post:

    An Effects-Test Pocket Trigger

    Travis Crum

      Following /Shelby County v. Holder/, civil rights advocates are
    searching for new strategies to protect voting rights. As I argued
    in my 2010 /Yale Law Journal/ Note
    <http://www.yalelawjournal.org/images/pdfs/895.pdf>, section 3 of
    the Voting Rights Act provides a roadmap for the future. Commonly
    called the bail-in mechanism or the pocket trigger, section 3
    authorizes federal courts to place States and political subdivisions
    that have violated the Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendments under
    preclearance. Designed to trigger coverage in "pockets of
    discrimination" missed by the coverage formula, section 3 has been
    used to bail-in over a dozen jurisdictions, including Arkansas, New
    Mexico, and Los Angeles County. Although the pocket trigger has been
    historically overshadowed by section 5, it has garnered recent
    attention as a potential replacement for the coverage formula (see
    here
    <http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2013/06/25/heres-how-congress-could-fix-the-voting-rights-act/>,
    here
    <http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887323419604578569663974008072.html?mod=WSJ_Opinion_MIDDLETopOpinion>,
    here
    <http://txredistricting.org/post/54556057254/q-a-on-the-new-section-3-claim-about-texas>,
    and here <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52349>).

    So what does section 3 have to offer? First and foremost, it's
    already the law of the land. With no need for lengthy hearings and
    legislative maneuvering, civil rights groups and the Justice
    Department can move expeditiously to reconstruct the preclearance
    regime. Indeed, civil rights groups moved last week to bail-in Texas
    <http://txredistricting.org/post/54362393829/san-antonio-court-starts-process-for-deciding-if-texas>
    based on findings of intentional discrimination in its 2011
    redistricting plans. Second, because section 3 utilizes a coverage
    /mechanism/, it sidesteps the "equal sovereignty of the States"
    problem inherent in any coverage /formula/. Third, the pocket
    trigger doesn't single out jurisdictions using decades-old proxies.
    Rather, section 3 perfectly tailors preclearance to "current
    conditions," namely contemporary constitutional violations. And
    finally, the pocket trigger relies on judges---not Congress---to
    select jurisdictions for coverage.

    The pocket trigger also reduces preclearance's federalism costs.
    Courts have often required jurisdictions to preclear only certain
    problematic changes. Arkansas, for example, was required to preclear
    majority-vote requirements. Courts have further tailored section 3
    preclearance by setting temporal limitations. Instead of mandating
    preclearance for a twenty-five year period, courts have fashioned
    more limited sunset dates---often imposing preclearance for a decade.

    To be sure, the current bail-in mechanism has its limitations.
    Establishing a constitutional violation is no easy task, and bail-in
    litigation will stretch the resources of civil rights groups. The
    pocket trigger, moreover, forces civil rights groups and the Justice
    Department to go on the offensive; though once a jurisdiction is
    bailed-in, the balance of time and inertia would flip back in favor
    of minority voters.

    In light of these concerns, the pocket trigger should be amended to
    authorize bail-in for violations of section 2 of the Voting Rights
    Act. As I stated in my 2010 piece, Congress should "decouple section
    3 from its constitutional trigger, predicating bail-in on a finding
    of discriminatory effect." In a post-/Shelby County/ world, an
    effects-test pocket trigger has several advantages.

    At the outset, it's difficult to imagine a revamped coverage formula
    that could survive Congress /and/ the Court. Many members of
    Congress would be loath to implicitly label their State as racist.
    Even agreeing on a coverage formula may be a political and
    theoretical fool's errand. Although problems with the coverage
    formula were flagged during the 2006 reauthorization, there is still
    no agreed-upon replacement formula. And any revised coverage formula
    would have to satisfy /Shelby County/'s requirement that Congress
    "identify those jurisdictions to be singled out [for coverage] on a
    basis that makes sense in light of current conditions."

    So how would an effects-test pocket trigger work in practice? It
    would make bailing-in jurisdictions far easier and quicker.
    Litigation is a costly and lengthy endeavor, and evidence to support
    intentional discrimination claims can be difficult to acquire. An
    effects-test pocket trigger would ease these burdens and
    fundamentally alter the cost/benefit analysis for bringing section 2
    suits. Most significantly, jurisdictions may find it in their
    self-interest to settle. In this age of austerity, governments,
    particularly local ones, are financially strapped and may view a
    preclearance settlement to be in their best interest. Indeed, the
    majority of section 3 cases have ended with consent decrees. For
    their part, civil rights groups and the Justice Department may be
    more willing to bring suit if they know that a preclearance remedy
    can be imposed at the end of litigation. This additional incentive
    might encourage more litigation against local jurisdictions, which
    are rarely the targets of section 2 litigation because the costs are
    too high.

    Amending section 3 to authorize bail-in for violations of section 2
    is a relatively straightforward response to /Shelby County/. But
    Congress need not stop there. Congress, for instance, could
    /require/ bail-in for certain section 2 violations, such as a
    finding that a redistricting plan has a discriminatory effect.
    Congress could also set guidelines for how long jurisdictions should
    be bailed-in: a discriminatory polling place change could require
    preclearance for four years whereas a discriminatory redistricting
    plan could trigger coverage for ten years. And as Rick Pildes
    recently noted on this blog, Congress could fuse the civil-rights
    and universalist models by requiring preclearance for violations of
    HAVA and the Motor Voter Act---though this approach would
    necessitate a dramatic rethinking of preclearance's doctrinal
    underpinnings, which target racial discrimination in voting.

    Only time will tell if Congress responds to /Shelby County/. But by
    combining an enforcement action with a prophylactic remedy, the
    pocket trigger provides civil rights groups and the Justice
    Department with an immediate response to /Shelby County/ and gives
    Congress a template for how to design a preclearance regime without
    a coverage formula.

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Posted in Supreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>, Voting 
Rights Act <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15> | Comments Off


    "Oregon Senate rejects universal voter registration proposal"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52656>

Posted on July 8, 2013 8:32 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52656> by 
Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The /Oregonian/ reports. 
<http://www.oregonlive.com/mapes/index.ssf/2013/07/oregon_senate_rejects_universa.html>

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Posted in voting <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=31> | Comments Off


    "'As singular a failure as I've seen in the history of the Supreme
    Court'? McGinnis on Windsor, not Shelby County"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52648>

Posted on July 8, 2013 8:29 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52648> by 
Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Kevin Walsh 
<http://walshslaw.wordpress.com/2013/07/08/as-singular-a-failure-as-ive-seen-in-the-history-of-the-supreme-court-mcginnis-on-windsor-not-shelby-county/>:

Even Totenberg nods.

    Nina Totenberg's end-of-the-term review
    <http://www.npr.org/2013/07/05/198708325/whose-term-was-it-a-look-back-at-the-supreme-court>
    (HT: How Appealing <http://howappealing.law.com/070513.html#051868>)
    includes an extended rip on the Supreme Court's 5-4 Voting Rights
    Act decision in /Shelby County v. Holder/
    <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/12pdf/12-96_6k47.pdf>, highlighting
    criticism by "academic and judicial conservatives." The quoted
    critics are Charles Fried, Michael McConnell, and John McGinnis.

    One of the most stinging quotations is attributed to McGinnis.
    Totenberg's story characterizes McGinnis as arguing that "the
    court's conservatives let their own policy disagreements with
    Congress trump the clear meaning of the Constitution and the post
    Civil War amendments." She then quotes McGinnis's comments at a
    recent judicial conference: "I'm sorry to say I think this opinion
    was as singular a failure as I've seen in the history of the Supreme
    Court."

    The quotation comes from McGinnis's comments on the Supreme Court
    review panel at the Fourth Circuit Judicial Conference. McGinnis did
    utter those words, but he was /not/ talking about /Shelby County/
    <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/12pdf/12-96_6k47.pdf>.
    Instead, he was talking about Justice Kennedy's opinion for the
    Court in /United States v. Windsor
    <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/12pdf/12-307_6j37.pdf>./ That's a
    big difference....

    Totenberg's other critical quotations about /Shelby County /
    <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/12pdf/12-96_6k47.pdf>seem correct
    given their content and context. But while it may be true that "two
    out of three ain't bad" in some circumstances, this is not one of them.

    The idea that "academic and judicial conservatives" think /Shelby
    County <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/12pdf/12-96_6k47.pdf>
    /is wrong has already begun to spread. Rick Hasen's influential
    /Election Law Blog <http://electionlawblog.org/>/, for example,
    posts an extended excerpt from the Totenberg story under the post
    title, "Conservatives Criticize Shelby County Reasoning."
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52599>

I've reviewed the video and Walsh seems correct.  I've updated my 
original post to link to this one.

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    "Deadlock by design hobbles election agency; The FEC was born of
    idealism after Nixon era excesses, but its GOP members have all but
    shut it down" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52646>

Posted on July 8, 2013 8:22 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52646> by 
Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Important Boston Globe report 
<http://www.bostonglobe.com/news/nation/2013/07/06/america-campaign-finance-watchdog-rendered-nearly-toothless-its-own-appointed-commissioners/44zZoJwnzEHyzxTByNL2QP/story.html?event=event12>:

    The FEC has often been the subject of criticism since its founding
    four decades ago. But the impression of weakness has escalated
    dramatically, as Republicans named to the panel in 2008, united in
    the belief that the commission had been guilty of regulatory
    overreach, have moved to soften enforcement, block new rules, and
    limit oversight.

    In essence, according to critics, the FEC has been rendered
    toothless, and at the worst possible time, when powerful special
    interests are freer than they have been in decades to exert
    financial influence on Washington politicians.

    The commission is taking up far fewer enforcement cases --- down to
    135 in 2012, from 612 in 2007. And those cases it does consider
    often go nowhere. The frequency of deadlocked votes resulting in
    dismissed cases --- like the case of the Romney friend's chartered
    jet --- has shot up, to 19 percent, from less than 1 percent,
    according to figures compiled by critics of its performance.

And there's this:

    The commission --- which has 375 employees and a budget of $66
    million --- had been unable to make formal decisions for the
    previous six months: With four vacancies, it was down to just two
    members. Weintraub, a Harvard-educated lawyer who earned her
    Washington stripes as counsel for the House Ethics Committee, was
    ready to get to work.

    "I was all excited when everyone showed up,'' she said. "I sent them
    an e-mail saying, 'Welcome. What can I do to help your transition?
    I'm happy to provide any information about how we do things. My door
    is always open.' "

    Weintraub received no response, establishing what she described as a
    pattern of the Republicans keeping to themselves. Any substantive
    discussion takes place in formal meetings. She noticed that the GOP
    members and their staffers even went to lunch as a group, huddling
    in a knot in the elevator lobby.

    Weintraub said she rarely has private conversations with McGahn,
    whose office is next door to hers.

    "He in fact does not return my phone calls,'' she said. "He never has.''

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    "Obstruction Based on Rank Partisanship at FEC?"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52644>

Posted on July 8, 2013 8:19 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52644> by 
Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

FEC General Counsel Anthony Herman's parting words: 
<http://blogs.rollcall.com/moneyline/obstruction-based-on-rank-partisanship-at-fec/>

    The General Counsel's conclusion stated: "The Commission and OGC
    [Office of the General Counsel] have worked for years to achieve the
    mutually beneficial relationship the Commission enjoys with DOJ
    today.  Those efforts -- and the multiple benefits that have accrued
    to the Commission and the regulated community as a result -- should
    not be wasted on unnecessary impediments to information sharing
    between the Commission and DOJ.  Any steps that would make it more
    difficult for the Commission to share with DOJ would put the
    Commission out of step with other independent federal agencies,
    while resulting in no offsetting benefits to the Commission or the
    political community. *It would open up the Commission to charges of
    obstruction based on rank partisanship.*  The Commission should
    therefor continue its long-established practice of freely
    cooperating with DOJ -- as it has for more than 20 years." [emphasis
    added in bold]

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    "Sabotage at the Election Commission"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52641>

Posted on July 8, 2013 7:46 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52641> by 
Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Important NYT editorial 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/06/opinion/sabotage-at-the-election-commission.html?_r=1&>, 
which begins:

    The Federal Election Commission is already in a state of wretched
    dysfunction, but it will only get worse if Republican members
    succeed in crippling the agency further when the commission meets on
    Thursday <http://www.fec.gov/agenda/2013/agenda20130711.shtml>. The
    three Republicans on the commission appear ready to take advantage
    of a temporary vacancy on the three-member Democratic side to push
    through 3-to-2 votes for a wholesale retreat from existing regulations.

The FEC as good as dead 
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2011/01/the_fec_is_as_good_as_dead.html>?  
Worse than dead.

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>, federal 
election commission <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=24> | Comments Off


    "Where's the Beef?": Newby on the Bauer-Ginsberg Commission
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52639>

Posted on July 8, 2013 7:43 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52639> by 
Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

See here 
<http://electiondiary-briandnewby.blogspot.com/2013/07/wheres-beef.html> 
(h/t Doug Chapin 
<http://blog.lib.umn.edu/cspg/electionacademy/2013/07/newbys_commission_question_whe.php>).

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18> | 
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-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://law.uci.edu/faculty/page1_r_hasen.html
http://electionlawblog.org

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