[EL] 6/25/13 Shelby County wrap-up: reactions from academics

Justin Levitt levittj at lls.edu
Tue Jun 25 20:55:43 PDT 2013


Again, apologies to anyone I've missed.


    A blast from the past <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52142>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 8:33 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52142>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

And just in case you're feeling nostalgic,here's a link to ELB posts 
about the VRA renewal <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=3>, from the 
congressional renewal process itself in 2006 to the NAMUDNO case in 2009.

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    Reactions to Shelby County: Justin Levitt
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52173>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 8:30 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52173>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

Yes, I've got some thoughts too.  Some of them are inthis conversation 
<http://blogs.wsj.com/law/2013/06/25/will-congress-right-the-voting-rights-wrongs/>with 
Ashby Jones at the Wall St. Journal (just enough to tantalize before the 
paywall).

I've also got a post up at the SCOTUSblog symposium 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/06/shadowboxing-and-unintended-consequences/>:
<http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/06/shadowboxing-and-unintended-consequences/>


  Shadowboxing and unintended consequences
  <http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/06/shadowboxing-and-unintended-consequences/>

The Court today struck down a statute that did not exist.  And it did so 
at the request of jurisdictions seeking a little extra "dignity" --- who 
might end up with /less/ dignity as a result.

Formally, the Court struck the 2006 reauthorization of 42 U.S.C. § 1973b 
--- Section 4 of the Voting Rights Act, and a central part of the Act's 
preclearance regime.  Its more famous counterpart, Section 5, requires 
certain jurisdictions to submit election changes for federal review, to 
ensure that they do not harm minority voting power.  Section 5 sets the 
"what."  Section 4 sets the "where," delineating which jurisdictions 
receive Section 5?s special medicine.

But the Section 4 that the Court struck is a curious creature --- as I'd 
feared, a simulacrum <http://ssrn.com/abstract=2265729>.  The Court 
branded it the rote reenactment of a "formula based on 40-year-old facts 
having no logical relation to the present day."

This stale formula is not the coverage formula actually in the law.  The 
formula started with 1960s and 1970s registration and turnout figures, 
locating the broken democracies connected to the worst discrimination.  
But it did not end there.  It allowed any jurisdiction that had 
demonstrated consistent improvement in minority opportunities, without 
backsliding, to "bail out" of coverage.

As I have written 
<http://www.acslaw.org/acsblog/bringing-sweats-to-the-court> before 
<http://ssrn.com/abstract=2265729>, this bail-out provision --- and a 
companion "bail in" section roping intentional wrongdoers into a 
preclearance-like regime --- connected the old problem to present 
circumstances.  Any jurisdiction not covered in 2006 was either never 
broken or was broken but healed.  Which means that any jurisdiction 
covered in 2006 was either healed but didn't overly mind the costs of 
preclearance ... or was not sufficiently healed.  The decision to re-up 
these jurisdictions in 2006 was emphatically a determination connected 
to 2006 information.

It is odd that bail-out --- the logical relation that Congress did 
establish to connect forty-year-old facts to the present day --- is all 
but absent from the majority's decision.  It was mentioned three times 
at oral argument, but not by any Justice 
<http://www.yalelawjournal.org/the-yale-law-journal-pocket-part/election-law/section-5-as-simulacrum/>. 
In today's opinion, the Chief Justice mentioned it briefly in the course 
of reviewing the procedural history --- including a review of the 
Court's 2009 decision in /NAMUDNO v. Holder/ that was all about 
bail-out.  But even though it should have been top of mind, there is no 
attempt in the substance of the opinion to confront bail-out as the 
living organism within the coverage formula, contracting coverage to 
suit present conditions.

The Court also struck a simulacrum of Section 4 once aimed at casting a 
ballot; now, applied to vote dilution, its geographic coverage is no 
longer appropriate to the problem.  Congress's original formula was 
fine, said the Court, for problems related to casting a ballot; after 
all, the section's baseline began with registration and turnout 
figures.  But the Court thinks it irrational to select jurisdictions 
with a risk of problems like vote dilution using a formula based on turnout.

Except, of course, that the registration and turnout figures in section 
4 were always proxies.  Congress did not set out to solve registration 
difficulties alone: it set out to solve discrimination based on race in 
the political process.  Anomalously low registration and turnout were 
just ready /measures/ of the problem.  An ailment that causes a fever 
one day may cause chills or hives the next; treating the fever does not 
mean that the ailment is gone.  The Court's misunderstanding of the 
scope of the problem mistakes the most obvious symptoms for the problem 
itself.

So the Court lashed out at a strawman.  And yet, the fact remains that 
the real Section 4 is now just as null as the fictional Section 4 struck 
down today.

There will be plentiful attention to what Congress can or should do 
now.  Some are calling for a new coverage formula, styled around Section 
2 litigation or levels of racial polarization or levels of prejudice.  
(This will be a difficult road: any "disparate geographic coverage" must 
be "sufficiently related to the problem that it targets," using current 
data.  And to the extent this requires a showing of recent harm as a 
proxy for future harm, the current data is skewed by the very success of 
Section 5.)  Some are calling for a constitutional amendment.  Some are 
calling for an approach that focuses on race-neutral promotion of voting 
rights instead.  I am skeptical that a substitute regime will 
effectively address the most pernicious problems, but if it is possible 
to have an adult conversation about the topic, that conversation is not 
only welcome, but necessary.

So instead, let me briefly discuss life in the covered jurisdictions in 
the interregnum between the preclearance regime now past and the 
protective regime (whatever its contours) of the future.

As of 10:10 a.m. ET this morning, protection of the effective exercise 
of the franchise for racial and ethnic minorities relies on two primary 
supports.  The first is incumbent self-interest: if minority 
communities' anger at today's decision turns to mobilization at the 
polls, elected officials may calculate that any new regressive seawalls 
will be overwhelmed by a wave of new participants, and pivot to surf the 
tide instead.

Where racial polarization is stark and minority communities are somewhat 
smaller, the scenario above looks far too rosy: local incentives align 
around containing rather than incorporating a burgeoning swell of 
minority participation.  Here, voting rights now depend on affirmative 
litigation.

This litigation comes at a cost.  The lawyers and political data experts 
needed to prove a violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act are 
expensive.  And even if statewide election rules and redistricting plans 
become natural targets for government, nonprofit, and party resources, 
the costs of these suits may be prohibitively expensive for others.  
When the city council lines of a small town are redrawn to fracture the 
representation of a growing minority community that threatens the status 
quo, poorer communities will find it harder to fight back.

Intriguingly, the costs are not merely one-sided.  (This is not cause 
for solace.)  Costs may also well increase for the small towns in 
covered jurisdictions, making the absence of Section 5 a lose-lose 
proposition. Under Section 5, the administrative preclearance process 
was relatively straightforward for the vast majority of proposed policy 
changes.  And though the preclearance process (expressly) did not 
insulate laws from subsequent litigation, successful preclearance may 
have served as a signal to deter follow-on lawsuits, in cases where 
affirmative claims were plausible but uncertain.  Without Section 5, 
that signal disappears.  Which may lead to an increase in litigation, 
for warranted and unwarranted lawsuits alike.  Local governments that 
choose to defend will find their lawyers expensive as well.  We may see 
exactly how much the purportedly restored dignity of covered 
jurisdictions 
<http://yalelawjournal.org/the-yale-law-journal-pocket-part/election-law/the-dignity-of-the-south/> is 
worth.

The irony for states seeking jurisdictional dignity is that much of this 
new litigation will arrive in the arms of plaintiffs seeking not only 
relief under Section 2, but a finding of intentional discrimination.  
Why? Section 3 of the Voting Rights Act 
<http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/42/1973a#c>, the "pocket trigger 
<http://www.yalelawjournal.org/the-yale-law-journal/note/the-voting-rights-act%27s-secret-weapon:-pocket-trigger-litigation-and-dynamic-preclearance/>," 
allows federal judges to impose a regime similar to preclearance in most 
respects, on any jurisdiction violating the voting guarantees of the 
Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendments.

This standard is high, but not impossible. And it embraces far more than 
animus.  Per then-Judge Kozinski of the Ninth Circuit 
<http://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=8330447326088275072>:

The lay reader might wonder if there can be intentional discrimination 
without an invidious motive. Indeed there can. . . . Assume you are an 
anglo homeowner who lives in an all-white neighborhood. Suppose, also, 
that you harbor no ill feelings toward minorities. Suppose further, 
however, that some of your neighbors persuade you that having an 
integrated neighborhood would lower property values and that you stand 
to lose a lot of money on your home. On the basis of that belief, you 
join a pact not to sell your house to minorities. Have you engaged in 
intentional racial and ethnic discrimination? Of course you have. Your 
personal feelings toward minorities don't matter; what matters is that 
you intentionally took actions calculated to keep them out of your 
neighborhood.

In the case there at issue, Judge Kozinski found Los Angeles's 
redistricting plan to be "a lucid demonstration that elected officials 
engaged in the single-minded pursuit of incumbency can run roughshod 
over the rights of protected minorities."  A consequent consent decree 
effected "bail-in" for Los Angeles County for ten years. Since 1979, 
cities and counties in nine different states, as well as the states of 
Arkansas and New Mexico have been "bailed in" to a preclearance system.

Just last year, a federal court found 
<http://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=13116118305322883110> that 
the Texas redistricting plans were enacted with discriminatory intent.  
I would not be shocked to see a request for "bail in" to follow, in 
Texas and in other areas covered yesterday and suddenly uncovered today.

Section 5 may have involved a perceived affront to the dignity of local 
jurisdictions, but it also allowed them to shunt responsibility for the 
slight.  Local officials could claim that Congress had erred: there is 
surely a political benefit to claiming that preclearance isn't really 
deserved, and without a more particularized determination, all 
jurisdictions could claim that benefit.  The Court's decision today may 
well lead to federal court orders restoring preclearance piecemeal, and 
more directly attributing responsibility in the process.  And if 
constitutional fit thereby improves, it would improve at the cost of the 
very dignity of the jurisdictions that requested the Court's decision today.

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    Reactions to Shelby County: still coming
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52129>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 8:33 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52129>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

A few more voices from the academic side of the fence.  I'll continue to 
collect what I receive (and what I can find).

  * David Schultz, The End of the Second Civil Rights Era and the Coming
    of the Second Great Disenfranchisement
    <http://schultzstake.blogspot.com/2013/06/the-end-of-second-civil-rights-era-and.html>

  * Aaron Zelinsky,The Fifty State Solution to Shelby County
    <http://www.concurringopinions.com/archives/2013/06/the-fifty-state-solution-to-shelby-county.html> (spoiler
    alert: preclearance for all, bailout for most)

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    Reactions to Shelby County: Mark Graber
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52171>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 8:24 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52171>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

Also over atBalkinization 
<http://balkin.blogspot.com/2013/06/the-missing-amendments.html>, Mark 
Graber wonders where the Civil War went...

     From 1861 to 1865, the United States fought a civil war.  The
    outcome of the war were three constitutional amendments, military
    rule in the south, and numerous federal laws minutely regulating
    political procedures in the former confederate states.  The
    constitutional significance of the Civil War and Reconstruction
    remains a source of political and scholarly debate, but no one
    denies that something of great constitutional importance happened
    during the 1860s.  Until today.

Morehere <http://balkin.blogspot.com/2013/06/the-missing-amendments.html>.

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    Shelby County and Texas <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52147>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 7:30 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52147>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

As usual,Michael Li <http://txredistricting.org/>breaks down 
theramifications of today's decision 
<http://txredistricting.org/post/53842655437/breaking-supreme-court-strikes-down-section-5-coverage>for 
all of the continuing controversy in Texas.

One of the curiosities: Texas redrew state and federal district lines in 
2011.  A DC federal court denied preclearance for those lines (which 
included findings ofintentional discrimination 
<http://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=13116118305322883110>, some 
(but not all) of which was based on a distinct burden of proof for 
preclearance).  Based on that denial, a San Antonio federal court drew 
interim lines for Texas districts (state and federal) in 2012.  The 
Texas legislature has since passed maps for 2014 and beyond, based in 
large part on the interim lines, which are still heavily contested by 
the San Antonio litigants.  But the Governor has not yet signed the new 
plans.  Which means that the 2011 maps are, at the moment, legally 
operative --- despite a federal court's finding that they were enacted 
with the intent to discriminate.

Gonna be an interesting couple weeks/months/years in Texas.

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    "The Chief Justice's Long Game" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52150>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 7:20 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52150>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The/New York Times/has posted my oped 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/26/opinion/the-chief-justices-long-game.html?ref=opinion&_r=0>(for 
Wednesday's newspaper) on the Shelby County decision. It begins:

    IN an opinion brimming with a self-confidence that he hides behind a
    cloak of judicial minimalism, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr.,
    writing for a conservative Supreme Court majority inShelby County v.
    Holder <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/12pdf/12-96_6k47.pdf>,
    cripples Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act.

    The court pretends it is not striking down the act but merely
    sending the law back to Congress for tweaking; it imagines that
    Congress forced its hand; and it fantasizes that voting
    discrimination in the South is a thing of the past. None of this is
    true.

    In the Shelby decision, we see a somewhat more open version of a
    pattern that is characteristic of the Roberts court, in which the
    conservative justices tee up major constitutional issues for
    dramatic reversal. First the court wrecked campaign finance law
    inCitizens United.
    <http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/08-205.ZS.html>On Tuesday it
    took away a crown jewel of the civil rights movement. Andas we saw
    <http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/25/us/affirmative-action-decision.html?ref=adamliptak>in
    Monday'sFisher case,
    <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/12pdf/11-345_l5gm.pdf>affirmative
    action is next in line, even if the court wants to wait another year
    or two to pull the trigger. Imagine striking down affirmative action
    and the Voting Rights Act in the same week!

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    The curious disappearance of Boerne and the future jurisprudence of
    voting rights and race <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52148>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 7:17 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52148>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

[Cross-posted fromSCOTUSBlog 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/06/the-curious-disappearance-of-boerne-and-the-future-jurisprudence-of-voting-rights-and-race/>]

*The curious disappearance of/Boerne/and the future jurisprudence of 
voting rights and race*

/Richard L. Hasen publishes Election Law Blog and is//Chancellor's 
Professor of Law and Political Science at UC Irvine./

A funny thing happened between the Supreme Court's 2009 opinion 
in/NAMUDNO v. Holder 
<http://www.bloomberglaw.com/public/document/Northwest_Austin_Mun_Utility_Dist_No_One_v_Holder_129_S_Ct_2504_1>/, 
sidestepping the question of the constitutionality of Section 5 of the 
Voting Rights Act, and the Court's new/Shelby County/decisioneffectively 
<http://t.co/dWN4s24S00>striking it down on a five-to-four basis: the 
Court majority failed to expressly resolve an open question of how to 
scrutinize Congress's power to enforce the Fifteenth amendment in voting 
rights cases. It is not clear what that means for challenges to other 
voting and civil rights provisions going forward, but the Court for now 
seems to have foreclosed greater deference for voting decisions under 
Congress's Fifteenth amendment powers. That could spell trouble for 
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, Section 203 of the Act (the language 
provisions), and other laws aimed at preventing race discrimination in 
voting.

In/South Carolina v. Katzenbach 
<http://www.bloomberglaw.com/public/document/South_Carolina_v_Katzenbach_383_US_301_86_S_Ct_803_15_L_Ed_2d_769/3>/, 
a case from the 1960s initially upholding the Voting Rights Act Section 
5, the Court endorsed a "rational basis" standard of review which gave 
Congress broad Fifteenth Amendment powers to pass anti-discrimination 
voting laws. That's no surprise: the whole point of the Fifteenth 
Amendment was to stop racial discrimination in voting and it was going 
to take the federal government to bring the former Confederacy into line.

But in/NAMUDNO/, the Court raised the possibility that a line of 
Fourteenth Amendment power cases beginning with/City of Boerne v. Flores 
<http://www.bloomberglaw.com/public/document/City_of_Boerne_v_Flores_521_US_507_117_S_Ct_2157_138_L_Ed_2d_624_/3>/could 
apply now to review of voting rights. The/Boerne/test is much tougher on 
Congress, requiring that it pass laws burdening states only when 
Congress demonstrates with admissible evidence (to the satisfaction of 
the Court, not itself) that there is evidence of significant 
unconstitutional conduct being undertaken by the states and that the 
means Congress chooses to address it are "congruent and proportional" to 
the constitutional violations.

Here's how the Court sidestepped the issue in/NAMUDNO/:

      The parties do not agree on the standard to apply in deciding
    whether, in light of the foregoing concerns, Congress exceeded
    itsFifteenth Amendment
    <http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct-cgi/get-const?amendmentxv>enforcement
    power in extending the preclearance requirements. The district
    argues that " '[t]here must be a congruence and proportionality
    between the injury to be prevented or remedied and the means adopted
    to that end,' " Brief for Appellant 31, quoting/City of
    Boerne/v./Flores/,521 U. S. 507
    <http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct-cgi/get-us-cite?521+507>, 520
    (1997) ; the Federal Government asserts that it is enough that the
    legislation be a " 'rational means to effectuate the constitutional
    prohibition,' " Brief for Federal Appellee 6,
    quoting/Katzenbach/,/supra/, at 324. That question has been
    extensively briefed in this case, but we need not resolve it. The
    Act's preclearance requirements and its coverage formula raise
    serious constitutional questions under either test.

Perhaps the biggest surprise of/Shelby County/is that the majority 
purported to ignore this/Boerne/issue. The majority does not 
even/cite/to/Boerne/even though this has been a key issue involving the 
constitutionality of Section 5 for years.  (I firstwrote about the issue 
in 2005 <http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=561241>, 
even before the 2006 renewal.)  Here's all that the Court has to say 
in/Shelby County/on the standard of review, in its first footnote: "Both 
the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments were at issue in/Northwest 
Austin/. . . and accordingly/Northwest Austin/guides our review under 
both Amendments in this case."

The failure to set the standard of review is no mere oversight by Chief 
Justice Roberts. The footnote appears deliberately inscrutable: the 
Court sidesteps an issue about the standard of review in Case 1, and in 
Case 2 the Court endorses Case 1's analysis of the standard of review. 
And the rest of the opinion is not helpful either: the equal federal 
sovereignty analysis which the Court uses to kill Section 5 of the VRA 
is a/Bush v. Gore/-like one-day-only ticket.  Few other voting laws fit 
this pattern (though one could imagine the language provisions of the 
Voting Rights Act in Section 203 falling under this analysis).

I presume the Chief Justice obfuscated the standard of review in this 
case as atime bomb <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=51773>: in a future 
case he could cite to/NAMUDNO/and/Shelby County/fn. 1 for the 
proposition that the Court has held that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
amendment standards are the same, and then bootstrapping 
the/Boerne/standard into a Fifteenth Amendment case. Saying so directly 
would have made today's controversial decision even more provocative 
than it is; obfuscation better serves the Chief Justice's attempt to 
portray his decision as an act of judicial modesty rather than a radical 
restricting on Congress's power against the states (more on that in my 
op-ed for/The//New York Times/). A future opinion can still look back on 
the obscure footnote as having resolved a key issue. Thetime bomb 
explodes <http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1750398>.

If that prediction's right, then I expect to see new challenges to 
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act (which applies nationwide) and other 
voting laws on grounds they exceed Congress's Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
Amendment voting powers. (Watch as conservatives move the goalposts 
here: a key argument against Section 5 was that it was not needed thanks 
to Section 2.  But now that Section 5 has fallen, I expect lawsuits to 
next challenge the constitutionality of Section 2.)

How successful these new attacks on voting rights are likely to be 
depends upon the future of the Court. Liberals have to hope that the 
slow moving train of conservative jurisprudence will move slowly enough 
to await the departure of Justice Kennedy orJustice Scalia 
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2013/02/campaign_finance_reform_when_scalia_leaves_the_supreme_court.html>during 
the administration of a Democratic president, at which point the liberal 
Justices can turn the train around and rightly proclaim that/Shelby 
County/never expressly endorsed the tough/Boerne/standard for voting cases.

Posted in/Shelby County v. Holder 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/shelby-county-v-holder/>/,Merits 
Cases <http://www.scotusblog.com/category/merits-cases/>,The Court and 
the Voting Rights Act 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/category/special-features/the-court-and-the-voting-rights-act/>

*Recommended Citation:*Rick Hasen,/The curious disappearance 
of/Boerne/and the future jurisprudence of voting rights and race/, 
SCOTUSblog (Jun. 25, 2013, 7:10 PM), 
http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/06/the-curious-disappearance-of-boerne-and-the-future-jurisprudence-of-voting-rights-and-race/

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    Reactions to Shelby County: Joey Fishkin
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52125>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 6:43 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52125>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

Joey Fishkin weighs in, atBalkinization 
<http://balkin.blogspot.com/2013/06/the-way-forward-after-shelby-county.html>.

    On the face of it, what the Court did today in /Shelby County
    <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/12pdf/12-96_6k47.pdf>/ seems
    more modest than what it might have done.  While it could have
    struck down Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act---and indeed Justice
    Thomas wrote separately to say he would have---instead the Court
    struck "only" Section 4, the coverage formula that determines which
    states are covered under the Act.  Many have already pointed out
    that this is a distinction without a difference: since this Congress
    seems unlikely to enact a new Section 4 coverage formula (and there
    is no telling whether such a formula would be upheld by this Court
    anyway), the Court's move today was at best false modesty.  Section
    5 is essentially <http://nyti.ms/19pXBpm>dead
    <http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2013/06/supreme_court_and_the_voting_rights_act_goodbye_to_section_5.html>,
    whether or not the Court admits it did the deed.

    I want to suggest in this post that while it's correct that this
    distinction makes little immediate difference, in jurisprudential
    terms, striking Section 4 was in some ways /more/ radical than
    striking Section 5.  The Court's approach to Section 4 represents a
    new departure in American federalism, one only hinted at in dicta in
    one previous case: a principle that the states' "equal sovereignty"
    constrains Congress' ability to treat one state differently from
    another.  This principle is one that should not have survived
    Reconstruction.  Its appearance in the federalism jurisprudence of
    2013 does not augur anything good.

Morehere 
<http://balkin.blogspot.com/2013/06/the-way-forward-after-shelby-county.html>. 
  This builds on Joey'srecent piece 
<http://www.yalelawjournal.org/the-yale-law-journal-pocket-part/election-law/the-dignity-of-the-south/>about 
the "equal dignity of states" argument, which I can't recommend highly 
enough.

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    Reactions to Shelby County: the conlawprof blog
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52122>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 3:47 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52122>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

Plenty of thoughts from Steven Schwinnover here 
<http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/conlaw/2013/06/our-voting-rights-act-coverage-so-far.html>, 
at the Con Law Prof blog.

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    Reactions to Shelby County: Heather Gerken
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52110>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 3:11 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52110>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

Heather Gerken <http://www.law.yale.edu/faculty/HGerken.htm>offers a 
eulogy to the preclearance regime, over atSlate 
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2013/06/supreme_court_and_the_voting_rights_act_goodbye_to_section_5.html>.

    The Supreme Court struck down the crown jewel of the Civil Rights
    movement today. Section 5 was the most powerful tool in the
    movement's arsenal. Although I'm a law professor and thus supposed
    to be opining on the court's decision and Congress' potential
    response, I want to spend a little time mourning Section 5's passing
    before hashing out the consequences.

    To understand why Section 5 was special, you have to know a bit
    about its history. . . .

More of the moving piece here 
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2013/06/supreme_court_and_the_voting_rights_act_goodbye_to_section_5.html>.

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    Reactions to Shelby County: Rick Hasen
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52107>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 2:53 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52107>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

There will be more (much more) from Rick.  (And I'll keep this spot 
updated as I find them.)  But just as a start, here he is (with David 
Savage, Ilya Shapiro, and Lani Guinier) discussing the case onTalk of 
the Nation 
<http://www.npr.org/2013/06/25/195557564/what-changes-after-supreme-court-ruling-on-voting-rights-act?sc=tw&cc=share>.

UPDATE: Rick's also gotone of the entries 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/06/the-curious-disappearance-of-boerne-and-the-future-jurisprudence-of-voting-rights-and-race/>in 
SCOTUSblog's /Shelby County /symposium today, discussing the odd absence 
of a definitive standard of review for Congressional action to enforce 
the Fifteenth Amendment.

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    Reactions to Shelby County: Josh Douglas
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52104>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 12:51 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52104>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

Josh Douglas <http://www.law.uky.edu/index.php?hid=93>weighs in on 
Shelby County atPrawfsblawg 
<http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/prawfsblawg/2013/06/the-voting-rights-act-is-dead-long-live-the-voting-rights-act.html>:

    Well, so much for strategic compromise
    <http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/prawfsblawg/2013/06/strategic-compromise-on-the-supreme-court.html>. 
    The Supreme Court ruled
    <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/12pdf/12-96_6k47.pdf> this
    morning, along ideological lines in a 5-4 decision, to invalidate a
    key provision of the Voting Rights Act.

Morehere 
<http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/prawfsblawg/2013/06/the-voting-rights-act-is-dead-long-live-the-voting-rights-act.html>.

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    Reactions to Shelby County: Rick Pildes
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52090>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 12:11 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52090>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

Continuing in the series of academic reactions to Shelby County, here's 
Rick Pildes onSCOTUSblog 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/06/shelby-commentary-what-does-the-courts-decision-mean/>:

    I have called the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA) a "sacred symbol"
    of American democracy.  For that reason, the Supreme Court's
    momentous decision holding unconstitutional a part of the Act --
    Section 4, for short --- that had continued to apply, nearly fifty
    years later, uniquely to the South, is itself laden with deep
    symbolic meaning.  But what is that meaning?

    In truth, the decision will express such radically different
    meanings to different people that we will not be able to forge
    common ground regarding even the threshold question of what the
    decision is "about."  Starting from such irreconcilable symbolic
    places, any discussion of the actual opinions themselves will be
    almost beside the point.

Morehere 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/2013/06/shelby-commentary-what-does-the-courts-decision-mean/>.

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    About to Be on Talk of the Nation; My OpEd on Case Coming Soon
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52078>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 10:21 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52078>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

And more commentary later on today's blockbuster Voting Rights decision.

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    Reactions to Shelby County: Spencer Overton
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52072>

Posted onJune 25, 2013 9:31 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52072>byJustin Levitt 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>

I'll be expecting several comments today on/Shelby County /from 
academics who write in the field. Spencer Overton 
<http://www.law.gwu.edu/Faculty/profile.aspx?id=3813> kicks it off:

    The preclearance provision of the Voting Rights Act required that
    all or part of 15 states submit their election changes to federal
    officials for approval. Today, five members of the Court ruled that
    the Section 4 coverage formula of the Voting Rights Act is
    unconstitutional and can no longer be used to require that areas
    preclear their election rules with federal officials.  The Court
    invalidated the coverage formula because the Justices believed the
    formula was based on outdated election data from the 1960s and 1970s.

    Today's Supreme Court decision is a setback for democracy.

    Unfortunately, today's decision gives politicians even more power to
    unfairly manipulate election rules and target Americans based on how
    they look or talk. There is overwhelming evidence that unfair voting
    rules remain a very real threat---too many political operatives
    currently manipulate rules to diminish the voices of growing
    minority communities.

His thoughts continuehere <http://spenceroverton.com/>.

UPDATE: More from Spencer at HuffPo: "How to Update the Voting Rights 
Act 
<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/spencer-overton/how-to-update-the-voting_b_3497350.html>"

FURTHER UDPATE: Spencer'sbeen busy <http://spenceroverton.com/>:NY Times 
<http://projects.nytimes.com/live-dashboard/2013-06-25-supreme-court#sha=6e4719c61>, 
NPR (here 
<http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=195533027>andhere 
<http://thekojonnamdishow.org/shows/2013-06-25/supreme-court-voting-rights>),HuffPo 
video <http://huff.lv/12h6mNa>

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-- 
Justin Levitt
Associate Professor of Law
Loyola Law School | Los Angeles
919 Albany St.
Los Angeles, CA  90015
213-736-7417
justin.levitt at lls.edu
ssrn.com/author=698321

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