[EL] Virginia provisional ballots, etc.

[Foley, Edward]

As a result of some Twitter exchanges this morning (thanks to Brian Schoeneman and Doug Chapin), I know understand a distinction that I did not appreciate last night: a provisional voter need not show up in order to have the ballot count IF the local board has enough information without the voter's presence in order to validate the ballot.  The current dispute in Virginia concerns the procedures for giving the local board additional information that might help to have the ballot count.   According to the new directive from the State Board of Elections (which may or may not be a change in the rules-it is certainly alleged to be a change, as Rick has blogged, but I'm not clear on that point yet), the provisional voter must show up in person with any such additional information; a representative cannot show up to supply that same information without the voter's presence.

This distinction relates to something I've wondered about since first studying provisional ballots in the aftermath of HAVA.  How many provisional ballots can self-validate-in other words, need no additional info in order for the local board to recognize their eligibility to be counted?  Does anyone have any statistics on that, either for Virginia specifically or other states?

Relatedly, I've also wondered the extent to which local boards might permit provisional voters to send relevant info-by email or fax (or perhaps even a phone call in some instances)-without having to show up in person at the local board?  In the case of a missing form of ID on Election Day, for example, could the provisional voter supply a copy of the ID in a PDF attachment to an email?  I wonder now whether Virginia law, as construed by the State Board of Elections, would permit that.  Or must the voter show up with the missing ID if the voter wants that additional info to be considered?

As a practical matter, it would seem to me that being able to send an email, and not having to trudge down to the local board, might make a significant difference in a voter's willingness to take steps to get a ballot validated.  And of course the voter's willingness may first depend on whether the race, like this VA AG election, is close enough that validating the provisional ballot might make a difference.

But I don't have a very solid sense on how much of a difference the particular procedures that a state uses to permit provisional voters to verify their eligibility may have on the ultimate rate at which provisional ballots get counted, whether it close elections or otherwise.  Does anybody have insight on this, or is it another aspect of election administration for which we very much need more data?

(By the way, these questions are very much relevant to the American Law Institute project that Steve Huefner and I are working on, as we see the need to address some of these procedural details concerning the vote-counting process as part of what the ALI project must address.)

Thanks, Ned

[The Ohio State University]
Edward B. Foley
Director, Election Law @ Moritz
Chief Justice Thomas J. Moyer Professor for
the Administration of Justice & Rule of Law
Moritz College of Law
614-292-4288



-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: <http://webshare.law.ucla.edu/Listservs/law-election/attachments/20131111/12d44eb1/attachment.html>
-------------- next part --------------
A non-text attachment was scrubbed...
Name: image001.png
Type: image/png
Size: 3605 bytes
Desc: image001.png
URL: <http://webshare.law.ucla.edu/Listservs/law-election/attachments/20131111/12d44eb1/attachment.png>