[EL] Civic Courage, Indeed

Robert Wechsler catbird at pipeline.com
Thu Nov 21 16:59:25 PST 2013


Do you (and your colleagues) consider time limits on citizens speaking 
at public meetings to be "interference and suppression of speech?" This 
is a fundamental government restriction on citizen speech, and yet I 
never hear it condemned by conservative First Amendment fundamentalists 
(those on the Left and local gadflies in general complain about it all 
the time). Would you be willing to take a position against any limits on 
this speech, to allow each citizen to determine what is a responsible 
time period for him or her to speak?

Rob


On 11/21/2013 6:32 PM, Benjamin Barr wrote:
> Rob,
>
> I suppose I'm less interested in concepts of government ethics 
> applicable to cubicle-bound bureaucrats and more interested in the 
> preservation of fundamental constitutional liberties.  I suppose, 
> further, that I'm really interested in how a free citizenry might 
> thrive rather than its government apparatus of the day.  These are 
> simply foundational differences in values that, as I hinted at before, 
> likely describe much of the schism on the listserv.
>
> As a constitutional litigator and practitioner, I haven't witnessed 
> much of this responsible regulation you speak of.  Providing cheerful 
> charts about how not to speak my mind or how not to associate with 
> likeminded allies probably wouldn't lessen my concerns here.  A better 
> equipped speech police doesn't resolve my concerns.  Many of us would 
> simply prefer for this interference and suppression of speech to stop 
> and allow the development of civil society to flourish through the 
> responsible actions of private citizens.  No government edicts required.
>
> Forward,
>
> Ben
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> On Thu, Nov 21, 2013 at 3:34 PM, Robert Wechsler <catbird at pipeline.com 
> <mailto:catbird at pipeline.com>> wrote:
>
>     Your message evinces a misunderstanding of a basic government
>     ethics concept. I will quote from my own /Local Government Ethics
>     Programs in a Nutshell/
>     <http://www.cityethics.org/publications/LGEP-Nutshell>, an
>     introduction to government ethics:
>
>         It is important to recognize that the opposite of trust is not
>         distrust, which we need in order to keep our representatives
>         accountable, but a /lack of trust/. A lack of trust causes
>         people not to accept their government’s decisions as fair. A
>         democratic government does not thrive when there is a lack of
>         trust in those who govern it.
>
>
>     (The short introduction, and its long parent, are available free
>     on the City Ethics website, so I am not seeking recompense from my
>     self-quotation.)
>
>     By not thriving, I mean that people tend not to participate, not
>     to vote, not to go to meetings, not to volunteer for boards, not
>     to run for office, not to apply for government jobs.
>
>     I certainly do not favor "blind trust" in government, any more
>     than I think that unlimited speech is "competitive" or "rigorous."
>     I also favor a campaign finance program where there is training
>     and free advice available so that "policing" is only what happens
>     when someone does not seek or follow advice. Regulation should be
>     responsible, too.
>
>     Rob
>
>
>
>
>     On 11/21/2013 3:36 PM, Benjamin Barr wrote:
>>     "Unfortunately, many people do not consider appearances and do
>>     not think of their responsibilities, and their thoughtlessness
>>     undermines trust in our political system."
>>
>>     Well said, Rob.  To the extent you are arguing in support of the
>>     idea that private speakers should speak ethically with their
>>     moral compass sharply in tune, I applaud you.  But the operation
>>     of campaign finance reform removes those moral obligations from
>>     individuals and associations and transfers them to boards and
>>     commissions of do-goodedness.  Boards of do-goodedness then
>>     promulgate bizarrely complicated and incomprehensible rules that
>>     attempt to define concepts like the "appearance of corruption"
>>     and so on, leaving ordinary speakers with no idea when and how it
>>     is safe to speak without the friendly enforcement division of the
>>     FEC launching multi-year investigations into why you spoke the
>>     way you did or with pre-dawn raids showing up at your front door.
>>
>>     It's this abdication of the notion that we trust the citizenry to
>>     rigorously engage one another and office holders and to develop
>>     their own sense of civility and discourse that concerns me.
>>      Promulgating the umpteenth version of standards to define the
>>     "appearance of corruption" or the invention of a fifteen prong
>>     coordination test offers but superficial security while dampening
>>     important debate we should be having as a nation.
>>
>>     One question though, since I see this notion frequently lauded on
>>     this listserv-why is promoting "trust in our political system"
>>     an undifferentiated positive we should support?  And what basis
>>     supports this notion?  Skepticism of concentrated power and
>>     office holders is the touchstone of government accountability and
>>     freedom in the American tradition, not blind trust in political
>>     and governmental actors.  This value differentiation seems to
>>     explain a good deal of the schism between those who value
>>     rigorous, competitive speech and those who favor a heightened
>>     regulatory presence to police "responsibilities" of speakers.
>>      But perhaps there's more depth to the notion that we should
>>     establish government policies that promote trust in government.
>>      Help me see why this might be.
>>
>>     Forward,
>>
>>     Benjamin Barr
>>     Counsel to Project Veritas, the Wyoming Liberty Group, and speech
>>     instigators nationwide
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>     On Wed, Nov 20, 2013 at 10:29 AM, Robert Wechsler
>>     <catbird at pipeline.com <mailto:catbird at pipeline.com>> wrote:
>>
>>         An appearance standard need not be subjective, as you argue
>>         in the McCutcheon amicus brief. Responsible appearance
>>         standards are based on objective relationships, such as
>>         family relationships, business relatinships, and
>>         superior-subordinate relationships. These are very logical
>>         stopping points.
>>
>>         If, for example, I were to form an independent expenditure
>>         group that supported a campaign of the senator for whom my
>>         stepson works, it would, if this fact came out, appear that
>>         the group was not independent, even though in fact I have
>>         never met or communicated with the senator. It would be
>>         reasonable for the public to assume that I was not acting
>>         independently and that any funds I raised to support the
>>         senator were no different than the funds raised by the
>>         senator's campaign committee.
>>
>>         Do I have a First Amendment right to support the senator?
>>         Definitely. Do I have a First Amendment right to form a
>>         supposedly independent expenditure group to raise funds to
>>         support the senator, when I actually have a close family
>>         relationship to the senator's aide? No.
>>
>>         With rights come responsibilities. It is my responsibility to
>>         recognize that forming such a group would be seen as
>>         fraudulent and would therefore undermine trust in our
>>         political system. I wouldn't do such a thing nor argue for it
>>         to be done.
>>
>>         The same goes for my right to write in my government ethics
>>         blog about this senator. I have every right to do it. But
>>         because I have a conflict, because it would appear that I am
>>         biased, I shouldn't and I won't.
>>
>>         Unfortunately, many people do not consider appearances and do
>>         not think of their responsibilities, and their
>>         thoughtlessness undermines trust in our political system.
>>
>>         Rob Wechsler
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>         On 11/20/2013 9:30 AM, Bill Maurer wrote:
>>>
>>>         Robert,
>>>
>>>         That’s an interesting approach, but I don’t see a logical
>>>         stopping point.  While it would appear to leave independent
>>>         expenditure/contribution distinction intact, in reality I
>>>         think it would mean that almost all political speech would
>>>         be treated as potentially corrupting and thus capable of
>>>         being regulated and restricted by the government.  If the
>>>         First Amendment is to be preserved, I think, the assumption
>>>         should be the other way—political speech cannot be regulated
>>>         or restricted unless the government can actually show that
>>>         it is corrupting.
>>>
>>>         We made this point more thoroughly in our amicus brief in
>>>         the McCutcheon case, which you may find interesting.
>>>         http://www.ij.org/images/pdf_folder/amicus_briefs/mccutcheon-amicus.pdf
>>>
>>>
>>>         Bill
>>>
>>>         *From:*law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu
>>>         <mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu>
>>>         [mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu] *On
>>>         Behalf Of *Robert Wechsler
>>>         *Sent:* Wednesday, November 20, 2013 4:14 AM
>>>         *To:* law-election at uci.edu <mailto:law-election at uci.edu>
>>>         *Subject:* Re: [EL] Civic Courage, Indeed
>>>
>>>         One of the things I find missing in this discussion is the
>>>         concept of appearance. The public can never /know/ whether
>>>         an "independent" expenditure group is truly independent of a
>>>         candidate committee. The public can only go by how
>>>         independent the group appears to be. Appearance is the only
>>>         solid standard the public has.
>>>
>>>         If an "independent" expenditure group is run by members of a
>>>         candidate's personal circle, then it will not /appear/
>>>         independent. And therefore, there is an appearance that
>>>         contributions to the expenditure group are no different than
>>>         contributions to a candidate committee. Such contributions,
>>>         then, may both appear and be corrupting every bit as much as
>>>         contributions to a candidate committee.
>>>
>>>         Arguing that contributions to an "independent" expenditure
>>>         group should be unlimited cannot be legitimate without an
>>>         accompanying argument that the group must /appear/
>>>         independent. Otherwise, from the public's point of view
>>>         (which is what matters) it is effectively an argument that
>>>         contributions to a candidate committee should be unlimited,
>>>         and this has been rejected by the Supreme Court.
>>>
>>>         Robert Wechsler
>>>         Director of Research
>>>         City Ethics, Inc.
>>>         rwechsler at cityethics.org <mailto:rwechsler at cityethics.org>
>>>         203-230-2548 <tel:203-230-2548>
>>>         www.cityethics.org <http://www.cityethics.org>
>>>
>>>         ------------------------------------------------------------------------
>>>
>>>
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>>>
>>
>>
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>>
>
>

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