[EL] more news 9/30/13

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Mon Sep 30 11:03:21 PDT 2013


    Rooting for "Faux Judicial Restraint"--My Slate Piece on McCutcheon
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55576>

Posted on September 30, 2013 11:02 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55576>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

I have written The Next /Citizens United/? The campaign finance case at 
the Supreme Court next week will be big---or huge 
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2013/09/campaign_finance_at_the_supreme_court_is_mccutcheon_v_fec_the_next_citizens.html>. 
for /Slate. /It begins:

    Sometimes at the Supreme Court, it is not if you lose, but how
    <http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2009/09/how_liberals_can_win_by_losing_at_the_roberts_court.html>.
    That principle will be on full display in /McCutcheon v. Federal
    Election Commission/
    <http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/mccutcheon-v-federal-election-commission/>,
    the campaign finance case the Supreme Court will hear next Tuesday,
    the second day of the new term. If the government loses big, it
    could mark the beginning of the end
    <http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/comment/2013/07/supreme-court-another-citizens-united-but-worse.html>
    of any limits on campaign contributions given directly to candidates
    in federal, state, and local elections.

    /Citizens United/ and the rise of super PACs are already flooding
    <http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2293979> the
    election system with money. But so far we've managed to keep a
    little distance between the money and the candidates themselves. If
    hard-line conservatives get their way, that distance will evaporate,
    and soon you could write a multimillion-dollar check that would go
    right into a candidate's bank account. The question is whether Chief
    Justice John Roberts will hold back the conservative majority back
    from the brink---though if he does, Justice Antonin Scalia will
    surely taunt him for it.

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>, Supreme 
Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    Ari Berman on DOJ Suit Against North Carolina
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55574>

Posted on September 30, 2013 10:59 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55574>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Here 
<http://www.thenation.com/blog/176421/justice-department-challenging-north-carolinas-extreme-voter-suppression-law#>.

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Posted in Department of Justice <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=26>, 
The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    Read DOJ's Complaint Against North Carolina
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55572>

Posted on September 30, 2013 10:58 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55572>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Here <http://t.co/dOKCLWkZwg>.

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Posted in Department of Justice <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=26>, 
The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    Just in Time for the Government Shutdown: Revised Version of
    Political Dysfunction and Constitutional Change
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55565>

Posted on September 30, 2013 8:45 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55565>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

A few months ago I posted a draft paper, Political Dysfunction and 
Constitutional Change 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2243798>. It 
generated some interesting responses, includingthis Salon piece 
<http://t.co/tKKopXjbrN> from Jonathan Bernstein.

I have now postedthe final draft 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2243798>of the 
paper, which is appearing in a /Drake Law Review/ symposium on political 
dysfunction. The final version includes data through the 2012 elections 
on public attitudes about divided government and the extent of 
split-ticket voting.  (Split ticket voting at lowest level since at 
least 1952, but sizable portion of public says they want divided 
government---the paper explains this apparent paradox.)

Here's are two  of the charts:

split2 <http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/split2.png>

split <http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/split.png>

Here is the abstract:

    This Essay was prepared for a symposium at Drake Law School on "The
    U.S. Constitution and Political Dysfunction: Is There a Connection?"
    Signs of political dysfunction abound in the United States
    government. Perhaps the best illustration is the ongoing fight over
    the U.S. budget, the national debt, and tax and entitlement reform ,
    which has led to extraordinary (and so far unsuccessful) efforts to
    resolve legislative stalemate including the "super committee" and
    the sequester. The source of these deadlocks over budget reform is
    hardly a mystery: it is the mismatch between highly ideological
    political parties and our divided form of government which makes
    passing legislation difficult even in the absence of partisan
    deadlock. The partisanship of our political branches and mismatch
    with our structure of government raise this fundamental question: Is
    the United States political system so broken that we should change
    the United States Constitution to adopt a parliamentary system
    either a Westminster system as in the United Kingdom or a different
    form of parliamentary democracy? Such a move toward unified
    government would allow the Democratic or Republican parties to act
    in a unified way to pursue a rational plan on budget reform on other
    issues. Voters could then hold the party in power accountable if the
    programs its pursued were against voter preferences. It seems a more
    logical way to organize politics and insure that each party will
    have a chance to present its platform to the voters, to have that
    platform enacted, and to allow voters at the next election to pass
    on how well the party has managed the country. But changing the
    Constitution is a big deal.Even if a sense of national crisis and
    paralysis allowed an opening for parliamentary constitutional
    change, we should not lightly change the fundamental rules of our
    governance. There is a value to our constitutional tradition. Change
    can have unintended consequences. The country has weathered many
    crises under our existing form of government, and tinkering with
    long-term success, even given profound recent dysfunction, can be
    dangerous.

    In this Essay, I briefly examine four arguments against making
    constitutional change to deal with current political dysfunction.
    The first two arguments contend that the current governmental system
    is not that dysfunctional. First, the current political stalemate
    may reflect the preferences of the median voter or the public at
    large. Second, the current political system actually produces a good
    amount of legislation, and a parliamentary democracy might produce
    too much rash legislation. The third argument accepts the premise
    that the current system is dysfunctional, but contends the
    dysfunction could be cured by sub-constitutional change, such as
    eliminating the filibuster or adopting additional open primary
    systems to produce more moderate candidates. The fourth argument
    also accepts the premise that the current system is dysfunctional,
    but sees that dysfunction as temporary, and expects dysfunction to
    be self-correcting as voters reject the current Republican Party far
    from the median voter, leading the Republican Party, and then
    Democrats, to move to the center. Evidence supporting the first
    three of the arguments against constitutional reform is conflicting
    and somewhat weak, but that the fourth argument is plausible and
    hard to evaluate in the midst of a potentially transformative era.
    We are in the middle of a highly partisan moment in American history
    but it is hard to know how long it will last. I conclude it is worth
    waiting to see if the political system self-corrects, especially
    given the risks of tinkering with the constitutional system and the
    value of not changing our constitutional traditions lightly. Given
    current political dysfunction which would block a move toward a
    parliamentary democracy in any case, waiting not only prudent but
    unavoidable.

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Posted in legislation and legislatures 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=27>, political parties 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=25>, political polarization 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=68>


    True the Vote Helps Historically Black College Get Polling Place
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55563>

Posted on September 30, 2013 7:37 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55563>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The Texas Tribune hasthe interesting story. 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/29/us/a-polling-place-of-their-own-students-win-a-long-battle.html?ref=texas>

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>


    "The Posterity Project: Developing a Method for Long-Term Political
    Reform" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55561>

Posted on September 30, 2013 7:33 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55561>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Ned Foley has postedthis draft 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2326423> on SSRN 
(forthcoming, /Oklahoma Law Review/).  Here is the abstract:

    Akhil Amar, at the end of AMERICA'S UNWRITTEN CONSTITUTION (2012),
    mentions the idea of postponing for a long while the date on which
    newly adopted constitutional reforms become effective. The rationale
    for this idea, as Amar explains, is to impose a Rawlsian "veil of
    ignorance" on the adopters of the constitutional reforms, so that
    they have less ability to act strategically on behalf of their own
    descendants. This essay develops how Amar's idea might best be
    operationalized. In doing so, it proposes the creation of a
    nonpartisan Posterity College, with each state sending the same
    number of members as the state has in the Electoral College. The
    nation's two immediate past presidents from different political
    parties (now Clinton and Bush) would serve as the bipartisan
    co-chairs of this Posterity College. The essay discusses the
    procedures that this Posterity College would use for its
    deliberations, how its members would be appointed, some of the
    potential reforms it might consider, and how its proposals would
    become part of the Constitution but taking effect only long afterwards.

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Posted in theory <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=41>


    Bauer on Ornstein, Smith on McCutcheon
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55559>

Posted on September 30, 2013 7:31 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55559>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Here 
<http://www.moresoftmoneyhardlaw.com/2013/09/ornstein-and-smith-argue-about-mccutcheon-distinguishing-theories-of-influence-from-theories-of-corruption/>.

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    IRV for NYC? <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55557>

Posted on September 30, 2013 7:30 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55557>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

NY Times 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/30/nyregion/high-cost-runoff-for-public-advocates-post-prompts-calls-for-reform.html?_r=0>: 
"The numbers are attention-getting: on Tuesday, New York City will spend 
about $13 million to hold a runoff in the Democratic primary for an 
office, public advocate, that is budgeted only $2.3 million a year. And 
the combination of a little-known post with a little-understood election 
process is expected to lead to startlingly low turnout --- maybe 100,000 
to 175,000 voters, in a city of 8 million people. Yet the election is 
likely to determine the occupant of one of the city's top offices, 
because there is no Republican candidate. The high cost of an election 
for a low-cost office has inspired wags to muse. Some have suggested 
that the race be decided by a coin toss 
<http://www.crainsnewyork.com/article/20130927/OPINION/130929894>. 
Others, including the Republican nominee for mayor, Joseph J. Lhota, 
have joked that, because the public advocate has few concrete powers, 
the two candidates could be allowed to serve, at a saving to taxpayers."

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Posted in alternative voting systems <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=63>


    "Justice Department Poised to File Lawsuit Over Voter ID Law"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55555>

Posted on September 29, 2013 9:06 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55555>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

NYT 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/30/us/politics/justice-department-poised-to-file-lawsuit-over-voter-id-law-in-north-carolina.html>:

    The Justice Department is expected to sue North Carolina on Monday
    over its restrictive new voting law, further escalating the Obama
    administration's efforts to restore a stronger federal role in
    protecting minority voters after the Supreme Court
    <http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/s/supreme_court/index.html?inline=nyt-org>
    struck down part of the Voting Rights Act
    <http://topics.nytimes.com/topics/reference/timestopics/subjects/v/voting_rights_act_1965/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier>,
    according to a person familiar with the department's plans....

    North Carolina's law cut back on early-voting days, eliminated the
    ability of people to register to vote on the same day as casting an
    early ballot, and prohibited the counting of provisional ballots
    cast by eligible voters who went to the wrong precinct.

    It also requires voters to present photo identification to cast
    ballots, but does not allow student IDs, public-employee IDs or
    photo IDs issued by public assistance agencies. Black voters in
    North Carolina are disproportionately likely to lack identification
    issued by the State Department of Motor Vehicles, according to state
    data.

    All four provisions are being challenged by the Justice Department,
    the person familiar with the plans said.

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Posted in Department of Justice <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=26>, 
Supreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>, The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, voter id 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>, Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>

-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
hhttp://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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