[EL] Rousseau and McCutcheon

JBoppjr at aol.com JBoppjr at aol.com
Mon Apr 7 13:38:24 PDT 2014


Yep, the liberal agenda is just not being adopted fast enough, so we  just 
need to shut up the voices of the nopposition so that we will have a  health 
political system.  Jim Bopp
 
 
In a message dated 4/7/2014 1:24:21 P.M. Eastern Daylight Time,  
richardwinger at yahoo.com writes:

The  health of the British political system today seems far, far better 
than the  health of the U.S. political system.  This year in particular, 
Congress  seems unable to do anything useful.  Many judicial vacancies haven't 
been  filled.  Immigration reform is stalled, marijuana policy is stalled, tax  
reform is stalled, a coherent campaign finance policy is stalled.  



Richard Winger
415-922-9779415-922-9779
PO Box 470296,  San Francisco Ca 94147



 
  
____________________________________
 From:  Bill Maurer <wmaurer at ij.org>
To: "'JBoppjr at aol.com'"  <JBoppjr at aol.com>; "adam at boninlaw.com" 
<adam at boninlaw.com>;  "oregon.properties at yahoo.com" <oregon.properties at yahoo.com>;  
"john.k.tanner at gmail.com" <john.k.tanner at gmail.com> 
Cc:  "law-election at department-lists.uci.edu"  
<law-election at department-lists.uci.edu> 
Sent: Monday, April 7, 2014 10:08  AM
Subject: Re: [EL] Rousseau  and McCutcheon


  
 
 
We don’t have to go to Europe in the  1940’s to see that government 
control of political finances is not the  solution to political alienation and 
rule by elites.  Italy recently  scrapped its system of publicly financed 
parties, in large measure because of  corruption and the feeling among 
middle-class Italians that it was geared  towards establishing and reinforcing a 
system favoring the rich and connected  insiders.
 
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-25370808  

England has almost entirely publicly  funded politics—it doesn’t even 
permit independently funded issue  advertisements.  It too suffers from low 
voter turnout, a lack of belief  in political efficacy, and a perception that 
politics is sclerotic and  atrophying.  
 
Moreover, in most of Europe, which  features far more control of political 
speech and activity than the United  States, there has been a rise of 
extreme groups outside of the main political  parties, ranging from the outright 
sinister (Greece’s Golden Dawn) to the also  sinister (France’s National 
Front) to more moderate parties that nonetheless  represent deep alienation 
from the ruling establishment (Britain’s UKIP and  Italy’s Five Star Movement).
 
Is all this the result of government  control (or, more accurately, 
government occupation of huge amounts) of  opportunities for peaceful political 
activity?  Most certainly not.   But it does suggest that such control is not 
cure for corruption, alienation,  extremism, and rule by elites and may, in 
fact, exacerbate or even make  permanent all of them.
 
Bill
 
 
 
From:  law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu  
[mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu] On Behalf Of  JBoppjr at aol.com
Sent: Monday, April 07, 2014 5:08  AM
To: adam at boninlaw.com; oregon.properties at yahoo.com;  john.k.tanner at gmail.com
Cc:  law-election at department-lists.uci.edu
Subject: Re: [EL] Rousseau and  McCutcheon


 
 
Interesting question but reelection  rates are also effected dramatically 
by partisan redistricting, as well as  other factors, so it is hard to 
isolate just campaign finance rules to  see it there is a correlation.  Jim Bopp

 


 
 
In a message dated 4/7/2014 7:56:21 A.M.  Eastern Daylight Time, 
_adam at boninlaw.com_ (mailto:adam at boninlaw.com)   writes:



 
Well, there’s plenty of states (I  live in one) without campaign finance 
limits for state and local  races.  What are the incumbency retention rates 
for legislators in  limits states versus no-limits states?
 
 
 
From: _law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu)   
[mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu]  On Behalf Of _JBoppjr at aol.com_ (mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com) 
Sent: Monday,  April 07, 2014 7:50 AM
To: _oregon.properties at yahoo.com_ (mailto:oregon.properties at yahoo.com) ;  
_john.k.tanner at gmail.com_ (mailto:john.k.tanner at gmail.com) 
Cc:  _law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
Subject:  Re: [EL] Rousseau and McCutcheon


 
 
I think there is good evidence that  campaign finance limits, being written 
by incumbents, favor incumbents.  Thus, the government writes the rules for 
campaign speech, and they are  the governors.

 


 
Sorry, I did not take French, if that  is what it is.  Jim Bopp

 


 
 
In a message dated 4/6/2014 10:45:02  P.M. Eastern Daylight Time, 
_oregon.properties at yahoo.com_ (mailto:oregon.properties at yahoo.com)   writes:


 
What Jim and Brad are calling for,  no limits and no disclosure is an 
attack on the ability of "the  governed" 

 

Sent from my  iPhone

 

On Apr 6, 2014, at 6:25 PM, John  Tanner <_john.k.tanner at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:john.k.tanner at gmail.com) >  wrote:


 
 
Revenons a nos moutons

Sent  from my iPad

 

On Apr 6, 2014, at 9:22 PM,  David Lublin <_dlublin at american.edu_ 
(mailto:dlublin at american.edu) >  wrote:


 
 
Geez somehow doesn't seem like  the quite right choice of expression here 
;) 
 


 
At serious risk of beating the  long-dead horse, there was no other period 
where Jews, Catholics,  Gypsies, and Communists were targeted in German 
history at the same  time. Pol Pot was genocidal, which also doesn't fit other 
periods  in German history.

 


 
Even if one accepted your  dubious premise, the suggestion that democracies 
that regulate  campaign finance, like Canada and the UK, are "suppressive" 
of the  wealthy in the manner of either the  
yet-to-be-named-but-definitely-not-Nazi period of German history or  Pol Pot is hyperbolic and unworthy of 
the arguments for the side you  claim to defend.

 


 
While I think that the Court's  majority, let alone the First Amendment, 
deserves a better public  defense, I'm sure BCRA's defenders would love to see 
you keep making  it, as you play right into their hands.

 


 
I hope all have a good Sunday  night whatever their opinions on McCutcheon. 
If any of you felt  constrained by the previous limits, please contact me 
so I can hit you  up if I should run for office again.

 


 
Best,

 
David

 



 

 
On Sun, Apr 6, 2014 at 7:57 PM,  <_JBoppjr at aol.com_ 
(mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com) >  wrote:
 
 
Geeze.  Over decades, as  you concede, the German govt did target Jews and 
Catholics in the name  of the German volk -- before Hitler.  Just because 
Hitler did it  too does not make it out of bounds to discuss what the German 
govt did  before him, as you suggest.

 


 
And yes I hid it well  because I was not doing it.  

 


 
So the problem here is that the  government is suppressing the freedom of 
some -- rich people -- in the  name of allowing the "authentic" voice of the 
people to be heard.  There is a long history of governments doing so, 
sometimes with modest  measures, like speech restrictions through campaign  
finance measures, sometimes not, in order to get their  favored policy agenda 
implimented.  

 


 
But the point is that this is  just what campaign finance "reformers" are 
doing now.   Jim

 
 
 


 
 
In a message dated 4/6/2014  5:47:20 P.M. Eastern Daylight Time, 
_dlublin at american.edu_ (mailto:dlublin at american.edu)   writes:


 
Jim, 
 


 
You stated that "the German  government targeted Jews, gypsies, Catholics 
and Communists . . . "?  Most minds would tend to go to Nazi Germany headed 
by Hitler at that  point. It wasn't the Weimar Republic and I don't think the 
last  period of the German Empire particularly targeted Catholics. Any  
earlier and there wouldn't be any Communists to target. The mention  of Pol Pot 
would seem to be a clue too. 
 


 
So if you weren't meaning to  invoke Hitler and this period, you hid it 
well.

 


 
In any case, there's a reason  that Martin Niemöller's famous quote doesn't 
begin with "First, they  instituted campaign finance reform and I did not 
speak out --  Because I was not a major donor."

 


 
Again, dialing it back would  be welcome here. If the Supreme Court managed 
to make the argument  without Rwanda, Nazi Germany, and Cambodia, I am 
confident that you  can do the same.

 


 
David

 


 




 

 
On Sun, Apr 6, 2014 at 5:31  PM, <_JBoppjr at aol.com_ 
(mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com) >  wrote:
 
 
Furthermore,  I purposefully did not invoke Hitler.  (1) I agree that he 
was  "very distinguished in his field," and (2) the concept of the German  
volk, and that Jews were an enemy of the volk, long preceded  Hitler's rise to 
power, even though he avidly believed it, exploited  it for his own 
political purposes and took it to extreme's never  imagined by its most feverish 
supporters before his time.  Jim  Bopp

 


 
 
In a message dated 4/6/2014  3:13:50 P.M. Eastern Daylight Time, 
_JBoppjr at aol.com_ (mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com)   writes:


 
Regarding  this:

 
 


 
Oh, and you forgot  Rwanda.

 



 
 
Yes, so many examples but so  little space.  Jim Bopp

 



 
 
 
In a message dated 4/6/2014  1:22:26 P.M. Eastern Daylight Time, 
_dlublin at american.edu_ (mailto:dlublin at american.edu)   writes:



 
I haven't read all of this  debate but it's always good to see _Godwin's 
law_ (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Godwin's_law)  proved again. 
 
 


 
I remember Prof. Judith  Shklar, whose family fled Germany, teaching my 
graduate  political theory class to avoid comparisons to Hitler because  "he 
was very distinguished in his field."

 


 
Surely, one can make a  strong argument against campaign finance reform 
without having  to go there.

 


 
Oh, and you forgot  Rwanda.

 


 
David

 


 
-- 
 
David Lublin
Professor  of Government
School of Public Affairs
American  University
4400 Massachusetts Ave.
Washington, D.C.  20016
http://davidlublin.com/


 



 

 
 
On Sun, Apr 6, 2014 at  10:08 AM, <_JBoppjr at aol.com_ 
(mailto:JBoppjr at aol.com) >  wrote:


 
 
 
One of the side benefits  of the McCutcheon case is that it has revealed 
what the  campaign finance "reformers" are really all  about.

 


 
First, their goal is the  typical liberal agenda.  Then they identify those 
who  they think are opponents to that agenda -- corporations,  the "rich.". 
 Then they support legislation to shut them  up.

 


 
Of course they dress  this up as regulating the system -- the "collective" 
voices of  the people -- to make sure that the authentic "will of  the 
people" is heard by suppressing those voices that distort  that will -- by 
misleading convincing some and drowning  out others.

 


 
This approach does have  its roots deep in our history and is frequently 
the  justification for tyranny.

 


 
The communists  suppressed the bourgeoisie in the name of  the proletariat. 
 Pol Pot destroyed the urban  dwellers in the name of rural dwellers.  The 
German  government targeted the Jews, gypsies, Catholics and  communists as 
the enemy of the German volk. All these enemies  of the people had to be 
silenced to defend the authentic will  of the people.

 


 
Breyer acknowledges that  he is countenancing the violation of the First 
Amendment  rights of the "rich," but justifies it as ensuring that the  
authentic will of the people will be heard through the  "collective" speech of the 
people. And he lets the  government pick the voices to be  surpressed.

 


 
So Breyer sets it  all out clearly, as does mpoweru4 below, obviously  
limiting their retribution to be visited on the enemies of the  people to 
campaign finance limits -- while others in our  history were much more willing to 
use the full power of  government against them.

 


 
Their problem is that  the First Amendment was adopted to protect the very 
speech  that Breyer, et al are so willing to violate in the name of  the 
collective.  So they have to pretend that they are  the ones writing a First 
Amendment -- balance the First  Amendment interests involved -- while this 
balancing has  already been done and the First Amendment already written by  
our Founders. And that amendment was written to protect  individual freedom 
against the efforts of the collective to  suppress their speech -- regardless 
of whether the government  thinks that that speech is helpful to democracy 
or not.   Jim Bopp


 
 
 


 
 
 
In a message dated  4/6/2014 8:08:56 A.M. Eastern Daylight Time, 
_mpoweru4 at gmail.com_ (mailto:mpoweru4 at gmail.com)   writes:



 
 
To get a sense of the  consequences, one might think not only about the 
types of  players, but the interests they represent. The demise of  aggregate 
limits plays mightily into the hands not only of  rich people in general, but 
of rich people who have highly  focused interests.  
 


 
The "general will" if  it means anything at all, would correspond to more  
generalized interests like protecting the environment,  building economic 
strength, preventing economic collapse,  helping people devastated by weather 
emergencies, and  maintaining transportation  infrastructure.

 


 
The very wealthy,  operating from self-interest, are not likely to define 
their  agenda in such general terms. They would likely be focused  on very 
particularized corresponding interests, eg:  resisting EPA jurisdiction over a 
certain sector of the  energy industry; tax incentives for research and 
hedge  funds; stopping a requirement for a level of capitalization  in banks; 
maintaining flood insurance program that will pay  to rebuild buildings in 
developments under construction too  close to a rising ocean; and building a 
certain unnecessary  road using particular contractors or sources for  
asphalt.

 


 
The right analyst for  this is Prof. Mancur Olsen. He explains how 
empowering  special interests causes political outcomes not consonant  with the 
interests of the people in a republic in his "Logic  of Collective Action." In 
his "Rise and Decline of Nations"  he develops a theory of the pernicious 
consequences on the  republic over time.



 

 
 
On Fri, Apr 4, 2014 at  7:05 PM, John Tanner <_john.k.tanner at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:john.k.tanner at gmail.com) >  wrote:


 
 
apologies.  I  was skimming comments on the 2d


 
 
 

 
 
On Fri, Apr 4, 2014  at 6:47 PM, Scarberry, Mark 
<_Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu_ (mailto:Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu) >  wrote:


 
 
 
My 4/2 post  (scroll way down to see it) was probably too long for  most 
list members to wade through. It raised concerns  about the reference to 
Rousseau, whose pernicious  concept of the general will could find a place in an  
analysis like Justice Breyer's.

 


 
I don't think  Breyer meant to suggest it, but one reason to make sure  the 
voices of the rich don't drown out other voices is  so that the people 
won't develop "false consciousness."  We must be saved by the government from 
being persuaded  by the loud voices of the rich.

 


 
I very much  dislike arrogant rich people who think they know better.  I 
even more distrust a government that wants to protect  my ability to think 
clearly about what is in my interest  and in the public interest.

 


 
Mark  Scarberry

 
Pepperdine

 


 



 
 
 
Sent from my  Verizon Wireless 4G LTE  Smartphone


 
-------- Original  message --------
From: Benjamin Barr  
Date:04/04/2014 3:17 PM (GMT-08:00) 
To: John  Tanner 
Cc: Election law list 
Subject: Re: [EL]  McCutcheon 
John,
This is  Breyer's usual three card monte. To collectivize the  Bill of 
Rights he relied on the writings of Benjamin  Constant in his Active Liberty 
tome (expanding all the  positive "values" implicated by the First Amendment -  
none of which seem relevant to the American founding or  history of the 
First Amendment). This dissent is just a  continuation of the same bad theme. 
This  profound difference in viewing the Bill of Rights as a  charter of 
"negative" or "positive" liberties is also at  root what separates many 
reformers from free speech  advocates on this listserv and more  broadly.
Forward,
Benjamin Barr  
Sent by  my Android device. Please excuse any typographical  errors.

 
 
On Apr 4, 2014  6:06 PM, "John Tanner" <_john.k.tanner at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:john.k.tanner at gmail.com) >  wrote:


 
 
Not to change  the subject, but I'm surprised that no one has  remarked on 
the dissent's invocation of Rousseau's  Social Contract, which was far more 
influential on the  French Revolution (and particularly the thought of St  
Just and Robespierre) than the American, where the  strong preference for 
Locke and Montesquieu has  pointed in a different direction.  It seems odd,  
off-key and, wandering well away from the subject, I  wonder if it prompted 
the counter-invocation of Burke  - and the brandishing of the dissent's 
impolitic  choice of the word,  "collective." 


 

 
 
On Thu, Apr 3,  2014 at 8:49 AM, Tyler Culberson 
<_tylerculberson at gmail.com_ (mailto:tylerculberson at gmail.com) >  wrote:


 
 
These figures  derived from a Bob Biersack piece at  OpenSecrets: 
https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2013/09/mccutcheons-multiplying-effect-why.html


 
 
 

 
 
On Thu, Apr 3,  2014 at 8:45 AM, Tyler Culberson 
<_tylerculberson at gmail.com_ (mailto:tylerculberson at gmail.com) >  wrote:


 
 
Doug,   
 
>From  Commissioners Ravel and Weintraub's statement  yesterday, "In fact, 
only 646 donors reached the  biennial limit during the 2012  cycle."



 

 
 
 
 
On Wed, Apr  2, 2014 at 7:24 PM, Scarberry, Mark 
<_Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu_ (mailto:Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu) >  wrote:




 
 
 
 
 
Can we  distinguish between two “anti-corruption”  interests that could be 
seen as being addressed  by the dissent in McCutcheon?
 
The  first is the interest in keeping lines of  communication open between 
ordinary people and  their elected representatives, so as to make  
representative government responsive to the  people *between elections*. High levels  
of donations cause representatives to listen  only (or mostly) to the rich 
donors, breaking  the link between ordinary people and their  
representatives. The voice of the ordinary  person is drowned out by the voice of the rich 
 donor, because the representative will listen  only (or mostly) to the 
voice of the rich donor.  With a reference to Rousseau (which one hopes  does 
not incorporate his concept of the “general  will”), the dissent treats the 
breaking of that  link as a form of corruption. 
 
The  second is the interest in the formation of the  views of the people; 
the formation of those  views may be corrupted if too much money is  spent by 
rich people to help form those views or  to finance the formation of such 
views. Here we  run dangerously close to the concept of the  “general will,” 
a true will of the people that  somehow is different from what they really  
think, because their thinking has been warped by  the spending of so much 
money by the rich  (perhaps creating a “false consciousness”). The  spending 
of huge amounts of money by the rich in  furthering their own views drowns 
out the voices  of the ordinary people, as both the rich speaker  and the 
ordinary speaker try to convey their  views to the people and to persuade the  
people.
 
Is it  clear that the dissent only sees the first of  those interests as an 
“anti-corruption” interest  that justifies campaign finance regulation? 
(At  first I wasn’t sure, especially given the  “drowning out” imagery, but a 
more careful  reading leads me to this  conclusion.)
 
Is it  also clear that the first interest has nothing  to do with which 
person is elected, but rather  with who the elected person will listen to once  
elected? Thus it has nothing to do with any  desire to level the playing 
field for the  election, right? Instead it has to do with the  actions that 
will be taken by the person once  elected, which makes it similar to a concern 
 about quid pro quo corruption.
 
My  apologies if I’m asking the list to reinvent the  wheel.
 
Mark
 

Mark S.  Scarberry
Professor  of Law
Pepperdine  Univ. School of Law



 



 
 
 
_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election





 



 



 
 

_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election




 

 
 

_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election





 
 

_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election




 



 
 

_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election




 

 
 


_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election







 
 

_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election













 
 


_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election




 
 


_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election












-- 
 
David Lublin
Professor of  Government
School of Public Affairs
American  University
4400 Massachusetts Ave.
Washington, D.C.  20016
http://davidlublin.com/














-- 
 
David Lublin
Professor of  Government
School of Public Affairs
American University
4400  Massachusetts Ave.
Washington, D.C. 20016
http://davidlublin.com/





 
_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election





 
_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election


=

_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election





 
  
____________________________________
 

_Spam_ 
(https://antispam.roaringpenguin.com/canit/b.php?i=04LL0acXS&m=784d6c8a8e85&t=20140407&c=s) 
_Not spam_ 
(https://antispam.roaringpenguin.com/canit/b.php?i=04LL0acXS&m=784d6c8a8e85&t=20140407&c=n) 
_Forget previous vote_ 
(https://antispam.roaringpenguin.com/canit/b.php?i=04LL0acXS&m=784d6c8a8e85&t=20140407&c=f) 





_______________________________________________
Law-election  mailing list
_Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:Law-election at department-lists.uci.edu) 
http://department-lists.uci.edu/mailman/listinfo/law-election





_Call_ () 
_Send SMS_ () 
_Add to  Skype_ () 
You'll need Skype CreditFree via  Skype



-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: <http://webshare.law.ucla.edu/Listservs/law-election/attachments/20140407/38a8eb06/attachment.html>


View list directory