[EL] initial thoughts on VRAA

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Thu Jan 16 13:33:59 PST 2014


    nitial Thoughts on the Proposed Amendments to the Voting Rights Act
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58021>

Posted on January 16, 2014 1:32 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58021>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

I have now had a chance to review the text the Voting Rights Amendments 
Act of 2014 
<http://www.campaignlegalcenter.org/images/Voting_Rights_Amendment_Act_of_2014.pdf> 
introduced today by Representatives Sensenbrenner and Conyers (with 
parallel legislation being introduced by Senator Leahy in the Senate). I 
believe parts of the VRAA are likely constitutional (including the new 
coverage formula), parts are likely unconstitutional (new bail in), and 
most of it is sensible policy.  But I am very pessimistic about the 
legislation passing out of the House. Ironically, I think if this were 
the bill introduced in 2006 to amend the VRA, it would  not only have 
passed both Houses of Congress and become law, the Supreme Court would 
have been very likely to uphold the measure as constitutional despite 
its constitutional problems.  I'll address each point in turn.  (Ari 
Berman 
<http://www.thenation.com/blog/177962/members-congress-introduce-new-fix-voting-rights-act#> 
offers a summary of the major provisions, which I won't repeat here.)

*1. The constitutional parts.* There is lots of good and constitutional 
stuff in this bill. The idea of requiring jurisdictions making election 
changes to publicize them on the Internet is a terrific idea, and allows 
for timely lawsuits if necessary to combat draconian voting changes 
throughout the country. Disclosure 
<https://twitter.com/HHHElections/status/423919481245548544> is an 
unmitigated good here, and it is hard to see any constitutional 
objection. Similarly, making it easier to get preliminary injunctions in 
section 2 cases makes a lot of sense, and clears procedural hurdles 
without infringing on state sovereignty.

*2. New coverage formula likely constitutional. *The new coverage 
formula pegged to relatively recent voting rights violation is likely, 
but not certain, to be held constitutional if enacted. The benefit of 
this new formula is that it is tied to current conditions---looking at 
recent voting rights violations, and in the case of subdivisions, recent 
minority voter turnout statistics. This tends to defeat the /Shelby 
County/ holding that requires under principles of "equal sovereignty" of 
states that any preclearance regime be tied to current conditions. (For 
my critique of these principles, see *Shelby County and the Illusion of 
Minimalism, /William and Mary Bill of Rights J./ (forthcoming 2014) 
(draft available 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2291612>)*.)  The 
one caveat is that counted among the kinds of voting rights violations 
which could trigger the renewed preclearance are section 2 violations 
and also section 5 violations before the /Shelby County/ decision. This 
means that preclearance would be imposed on jurisdictions for conduct 
which, while a statutory violation, is not a /constitutional /violation. 
The Roberts Court could see this as too much of an infringement on state 
sovereignty (and beyond Congress's power to impose a "congruent and 
proportional remedy" for constitutional violations), because it puts 
states to the strong medicine of preclearance without proof of 
unconstitutional conduct.  [Because Sen. Sensenbrenner thinks voter id 
laws are just fine, suits based on voter id would not count toward the 
new coverage formula.]

*3. New bail-in procedures likely unconstitutional. *The current version 
of the VRA provides that jurisdictions which engage in intentional 
racial discrimination in voting can, at the discretion of a court, be 
put back under federal preclearance for up to 10 years. The VRAA would 
expand the bail-in rules to allow for bail-in even when the jurisdiction 
has engaged in voting rights violations which are based on 
discriminatory effects, and not intentional conduct. This was 
essentially Travis Crum's recent proposal. 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=52659> For the same reasons raised in my 
last point, but more clearly in relation to bail-in, I am quite 
skeptical the current Court would allow states or political subdivisions 
to be bailed back into coverage based upon conduct which has not been 
found to be unconstitutional. Doing so would exceed Congress's power to 
enforce the 14th and 15th amendment and violate principles of state 
sovereignty by being not congruent and proportional to the extent of 
state violations. To be clear, that's now how /I /would read the 
Constitution.  This is instead is a predictive judgment about how the 
current Roberts Court would decide these congressional power questions. 
*As a matter of policy,* I really like the VRAA.  I'm just not convinced 
5 Justices would uphold this part. [Franita Tolson goes 
<https://twitter.com/ProfTolson/status/423878063298838528>further and 
argues that the revision to section 3 could tear down section 2 as well.]

*4. The politics and path dependence.*  Despite these constitutional 
issues, I would bet that the VRAA would have passed in 2006 and the 
Supreme Court would have upheld it despite the constitutional issues 
flagged in points 2 and 3 above. The Supreme Court would have seen 
Congress making a broad and real effort to update the coverage formula, 
and to take steps toward winding down broad preclearance. But path 
dependence is everything. Congress did not act, even after the Supreme 
Court's ruling in /NAMUDNO/ in 2009 warning the act was 
unconstitutional. /Shelby County/'s equal sovereignty principle now 
hangs out there as the law.

In the meantime, AG Holder hasantagonized Texas Republicans 
<http://www.nationallawjournal.com/id=1202613130666/Holders+TexasSize+Gambit+Will+It+Save+the+Voting+Rights+Act%3Fmcode=0&curindex=0&curpage=ALL> 
and Tea Party types by going after Texas and North Carolina for bail in. 
Texas Republicans will not be happy they get covered again under the new 
VRAA coverage formula. Conservatives in the House will fight against 
this. It is not clear that John Boehner will want to expend political 
capital on this (though the optics of supporting voting rights can be 
good---it will come with a lot of resistance).  I also expect opposition 
among Senate Republicans, where, for legislation, the filibuster remains 
alive and well. Will Sen. Reid make this a priority?  I am pessimistic 
that with the general dysfunction of Congress in particular and 
antagonism over singling out certain states now, the Act will pass out 
of Congress.

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-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
hhttp://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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