[EL] ELB News and Commentary 1/25/14

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Fri Jan 24 19:58:32 PST 2014


    McCutcheon Monday? <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58332>

Posted on January 24, 2014 7:56 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58332>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The Supreme Court will issue opinions 
<http://live.scotusblog.com/Event/Live_blog_of_opinions_2> on Monday, 
January 27.  The next chance after that is the week of February 13.

/McCutcheon /is one of the few cases remaining from the October sitting.

But last year, the Court heard the /Fisher/ affirmative action case in 
October, but did not render a decision until the end of the term.

So the odds of /McCutcheon/ Monday? Decent but not great.

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>, Supreme 
Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    "Schumer: Administration, IRS Must 'Redouble Efforts' on Campaign
    Finance Enforcement" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58330>

Posted on January 24, 2014 7:49 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58330>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Roll Call reports. 
<http://atr.rollcall.com/schumer-administration-irs-must-redouble-efforts-on-campaign-finance-enforcement/>

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>, tax law 
and election law <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=22>


    Upcoming Speaking Engagements <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58327>

Posted on January 24, 2014 5:30 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58327>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Jan. 25 Federalist Society western conference 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57808> (on panel with Ken Miller, Dan 
Kolkey, and Justin Levitt--and moderated by 9th Circuit Judge Ikuta---on 
Has the United States Supreme Court killed California's initiative 
process or helped check its abuses?)

Jan. 28 Voting Rights Under Fire? The Value of a Vote Post Shelby County 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=57771> (OC Bar/ADL/UCI Law/Orange County 
Jewish Bar Association Event)

Feb. 7 The Future of Campaign Finance Reform 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58292> (Hosted by the Duke Journal of 
Constitutional Law and Public Policy and the Center on Law, Race, and 
Politics, where I'll be presenting Super PAC Contributions, Corruption, 
and the Proxy War over Coordination 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2383452>)

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Posted in Uncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1>


    "Republicans Approve Changes to Nominating Process"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58325>

Posted on January 24, 2014 4:27 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58325>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

NYT 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/25/us/politics/republicans-approve-changes-to-nominating-process.html>:

    The Republican National Committee moved Friday to consolidate its
    presidential nominating process in 2016, a pre-emptive effort to
    avoid a drawn-out campaign that many in the party say could imperil
    their effort to reclaim the White House.

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Posted in political parties <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=25>, 
primaries <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=32>


    "Don't Blame the Maps" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58323>

Posted on January 24, 2014 4:25 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58323>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Jowei Chen and Jonathan Rodden in NYT's Sunday Review: 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/26/opinion/sunday/its-the-geography-stupid.html>

    DO the Republicans owe their current congressional majority to
    gerrymandering? At first glance, it seems self-evident that they do.
    In the 2012 election, the Democrats won the popular votes for the
    presidency, the Senate and the House of Representatives. But somehow
    in the House --- for whose seats Republicans controlled the
    redistricting process in many crucial states --- the Republicans
    managed to end up with a 16-seat majority despite losing the popular
    vote.

    The presumption among many reformers is that the Democrats would
    control Congress today if the 2012 election had been contested in
    districts drawn by nonpartisan commissioners rather than politicians.

    But is this true? Another possibility is that Democrats receive more
    votes than seats because so many of their voters reside in dense
    cities that Democratic candidates win with overwhelming majorities,
    while Republican voters are more evenly distributed across exurbs
    and the rural periphery. Perhaps even a nonpartisan redistricting
    process would still have delivered the House to the Republicans.

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Posted in redistricting <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=6>


    Congrats to Election Law Prof Lloyd Mayer
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58321>

Posted on January 24, 2014 3:58 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58321>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Elected <http://www.ali.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=news.prelease_01242014> 
to the American Law Institute.

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Posted in election law biz <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=51>


    Controversy Over Possible Move of Hamilton County Board of Elections
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58319>

Posted on January 24, 2014 2:51 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58319>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Read. 
<http://news.cincinnati.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/201401232007/NEWS010801/301230126>

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, 
The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>


    The Supreme Court's Most Unusual Order in the Little Sisters Case
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58316>

Posted on January 24, 2014 1:28 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58316>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Just this morning, Lyle Denniston was pondering 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/2014/01/little-sisters-a-further-order-or-not/> 
if we'd ever see another order in the Little Sisters case (involving the 
contraception mandate).  Well now we have our answer: asingle paragraph, 
apparently unanimous order 
<http://www.supremecourt.gov/orders/courtorders/012414zr_6jgm.pdf> (or 
at least no noted dissents). It is a partial win 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/2014/01/partial-win-for-little-sisters/> for 
the Little Sisters, 
<http://www.buzzfeed.com/chrisgeidner/supreme-court-exempts-religious-non-profits-from-contracepti> 
who don't have to fill out a form indicating they have a religious 
objection to the contraception mandate in the healthcare law.

What took so long? It doesn't take too long to write a paragraph after all.

This appears to be the product of some delicate negotiating behind the 
scenes to achieve unanimity. Apart from the statement in the order that 
nothing here should be construed as a ruling on the merits, it is an odd 
kind of victory for the Little Sisters: they made the claim that even 
filling out the form saying they were not participating in the 
contraception program (which would trigger insurance companies to pay 
for it directly) was a form of participating in the program. So they win 
by not having to fill out the form.  But they have now to /send a 
letter/ c/ontaining essentially the same disavowal /in order to not be 
covered. Presumably this triggers the very same thing: the insurance 
companies providing the contraceptive coverage directly.

If the Little Sisters has a genuine religious objection to not filling 
out the form (and I assume they do have a genuine objection), how is 
this any different?

So what looks like a victory against having to do a symbolic act may 
really be a defeat in having to do the nearly identical symbolic act.

Strange.

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Posted in Supreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    Voting Discrimination Differs from Election Administration
    Challenges <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58312>

Posted on January 24, 2014 12:14 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58312>by Spencer Overton 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=17>

Earlier today, Heritage Sr. Legal Fellow John Malcolm and I had a lively 
discussion on the Voting Rights Amendment Act and the Presidential 
Commission on Election Administration's recommendations on *NPR's Tell 
Me More. You can listen here 
<http://www.npr.org/2014/01/24/265671118/is-fresh-take-on-the-voting-rights-act-a-gold-mine>*.

My take in a nutshell--voting discrimination and election administration 
challenges are different problems that require different solutions. 
  Republicans and Democrats in Congress should work together to prevent 
voting discrimination by passing the Voting Rights Amendment Act, and 
officials in the approximately 8000 state and local jurisdictions that 
administer American elections should review and implement many of the 
election administration recommendations proposed by the Presidential 
Commission.

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Posted in PCEA (Bauer-Ginsberg Commission) 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=79>, Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    Practical Consequences and Missing Legislative History in
    Mississippi ex rel. Hood v. AU Optronics Corporation
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58306>

Posted on January 24, 2014 12:06 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58306>by Anita Krishnakumar 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=16>
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58306#respond>

This past week, the Supreme Court issued a decision in a seemingly 
straightforward case that involved some noteworthy statutory 
interpretation maneuvers (and omissions): /Mississippi ex rel. Hood v. 
AU Optronics Corporation/ 
<http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/13pdf/12-1036_0971.pdf>.  The 
State of Mississippi sued manufacturers of liquid crystal displays 
(LCDs) in state court for alleged antitrust violations, seeking 
restitution for LCD purchases made both by itself and by its citizens. 
  The LCD manufacturers sought to remove the case to federal court, 
arguing that the lawsuit is a "mass action" under the Class Action 
Fairness Act of 2005 ("CAFA").  CAFA defines a "mass action" to mean 
"any civil action ... in which monetary relief claims of 100 or more 
persons are proposed to be tried jointly on the ground that the 
plaintiffs' claims involve common questions of law or fact"---and 
significantly relaxes diversity jurisdiction requirements for such actions.

/So the statutory interpretation issue is whether a lawsuit brought by a 
State, which seeks damages for injuries suffered by a large number of 
the State's citizens---but which does not name any of the State's 
citizens as plaintiffs---qualifies as a "mass action" under CAFA./

The Fifth Circuit concluded that it does, reading the words "persons" 
and "plaintiffs" to refer to the "real parties in interest" in a 
lawsuit.  The Supreme Court last week unanimously reversed, holding that 
because Mississippi is the only named plaintiff in the lawsuit, the suit 
does not count as a "mass action."  Justice Sotomayor's opinion for the 
Court relies heavily on the whole act rule, ordinary meaning, a 
sprinkling of dictionary definitions, and an analogy to how the terms 
"persons" and "plaintiffs" are used in Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 
20.  The opinion then turns to a practical consequences argument about 
the "administrative nightmare" that would result if it were to read the 
term "plaintiffs" to include unnamed real parties in interest in the 
lawsuit.  (The Court worries, /inter alia/, that such a construction 
would force district courts to engage in unwieldy factual inquiries in 
order to identify unnamed parties in interest whose claims are for less 
than $75,000, since CAFA allows "mass action" diversity jurisdiction 
only for plaintiffs whose claims exceed this amount.  "/How is a 
district court to identify [such] unnamed parties?"/  the Court asks. 
  "/Would [it] have to hold an evidentiary hearing to determine the 
identity of each of the hundreds of thousands of unnamed Mississippi 
citizens who purchased one of respondent's LCD products between 1996 and 
2006? Even if it could identify every such person, how would it 
ascertain the amount in controversy for each individual claim?"/).

We have seen this kind of practical consequences argument from the 
Roberts Court before, in another case involving diversity jurisdiction. 
  In the 2010 case, /Hertz Corp v. Friend/ 
<http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/09pdf/08-1107.pdf>, the Court 
similarly emphasized the need for administrative simplicity when giving 
meaning to jurisdictional statutes.  I have previously discussed this 
form of practical consequences argument, calling it an "anti-messiness" 
principle 
<http://ndlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/Krishnakumar.pdf> and 
noting its prevalence in many statutory interpretation cases.  Here, I 
am particularly interested in the unanimity that the Court's 
anti-messiness focus helped it achieve. The Court is not always 
unanimous when construing jurisdictional statutes, but it often decides 
such cases by a wide margin.  (My empirical research shows that the 
Roberts Court tends to reach unanimity in roughly half of its cases 
involving jurisdictional statutes, and to be closely divided in only 10% 
of such cases).  So what, if anything, explains the Court's high levels 
of consensus in jurisdictional cases, or at least its unanimity in 
/Hertz/ and /AU Optronics/?

I think the answer lies in a unique convergence that occurs in 
jurisdictional cases, perhaps especially in cases involving diversity 
jurisdiction.  What I mean is that in cases involving jurisdictional 
statutes, judicial concerns about fulfilling a statute's policy 
objectives tend to merge with judicial concerns about administrability 
(e.g., the interpretation's effect on judicial resources, the difficulty 
of implementing it, and the clarity and predictability of the rule it 
establishes).

Some justices on the Roberts Court care a lot about ensuring that any 
statutory interpretation they adopt will be relatively easy to 
administer and will fit coherently within the framework of legal rules 
surrounding it.  But other justices on the Court seem to care more about 
fulfilling the policy objectives of the particular statute that they are 
interpreting, and making sure that that statute is given an internally 
coherent and consistent meaning.  I have elsewhere described this 
coherence divide 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1503442> in detail. 
  But I think it plays out in interesting ways in cases involving 
jurisdictional statutes, for a number of reasons:  Jurisdictional 
statutes by their nature seek to organize the judicial system, drawing 
lines that establish which cases may be heard in which venues.  If the 
inquiry required to implement a jurisdictional statute becomes too 
complicated, or "messy," disorganization results and the entire judicial 
system suffers---as multiple courts grapple with the threshold question 
of where a case may be heard, before they even get to the substantive 
issues raised in the case.  In other words, because jurisdictional 
statutes are designed to organize the judicial system, simplicity, 
clarity, and predictability are key to their effectiveness.  As a 
result, all jurists confronted with the application of a jurisdictional 
statute tend to focus, at least to some extent, on administrability 
concerns when deciding how best to interpret the statute---even those 
jurists who do not ordinarily privilege predictability, clarity, and 
other such rule of law values when interpreting statutes.  Perhaps 
another way to put it is that with jurisdictional statutes, there is 
rarely conflict between the underlying policy of the statute and 
administrability concerns, because ease of administration is /part of 
the statute's purpose/.  So when one interpretation of a jurisdictional 
statute is significantly easier to administer than others (or when one 
interpretation is an "administrative nightmare" to implement), the 
Justices find it relatively easy to agree upon the easier-to-administer 
interpretation.

/*Missing Legislative History? */

Also noteworthy in /AU Optronics/ is the Court's failure to make any 
reference to some helpful, on-point legislative history.  Specifically, 
the Senate committee report on CAFA describes "mass actions" as "suits 
that are brought on behalf of numerous /named/ plaintiffs who claim that 
their suits present common questions of law or fact that should be tried 
together even though they do not seek class certification status."  (My 
emphasis).  This definition provides strong support for the Court's 
conclusion that a lawsuit brought by a State as sole named plaintiff 
cannot qualify as a "mass action," even if the action is based on 
injuries to numerous unnamed citizens of the State.  The Mississippi 
Attorney General's brief 
<http://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/publications/supreme_court_preview/briefs-v2/12-1036_pet.authcheckdam.pdf> 
highlighted this helpful legislative history, and Justice Ginsburg 
referenced it at oral argument 
<http://www.supremecourt.gov/oral_arguments/argument_transcripts/12-1036_a4l9.pdf>. 
  Yet there is no mention whatsoever of the committee report, or of any 
other legislative history, in the Court's opinion---not even a passing 
statement that the legislative history corroborates the Court's 
construction.  This omission is noteworthy, I think, given the 
Court's---and particularly opinion author Justice 
Sotomayor's---willingness to make corroborative legislative history 
references 
<https://www.brooklaw.edu/%7E/media/PDF/LawJournals/BLR_PDF/blr_v76iii.ashx> 
in other cases.  One possible explanation for the Court's omission is 
that the Senate report was issued ten days after CAFA was signed into 
law by the President---so it cannot be said to have influenced members' 
votes on the bill.  A majority of the Court previously has rejected 
legislative history that was inserted into the record after a bill was 
enacted into law (/See Hamdan v. Rumsfeld 
<http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/05pdf/05-184.pdf> /- there, floor 
statements).  But the Court at least discussed the after-the-fact 
legislative history in that case.  Here, the lack of mention and lack of 
debate about the value of the committee report strikes me as 
interesting.  Statements made in a committee report issued shortly after 
a statute's enactment may not have been relied upon by those voting for 
the law, but they do reflect the understanding of those who drafted the 
statute and who are most familiar with its components, so it seems odd 
that at least some of the justices did not find the Senate report's 
statements worth noting.

In the end, I am left wondering whether the Court's failure to mention 
the Senate report in this case reflects an overall judgment that 
committee reports dated after a statute's enactment are not good or 
useful legislative history, or whether the Court's omission was a 
strategic one, designed to protect unanimity in this case?  Did the 
Court decline to mention the after-the-fact committee report because of 
a desire to avoid controversy, or to retain Justice Scalia's vote (what 
James Brudney has called the "Scalia Effect" 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1008330>)---or did 
it do so because it has decided that committee reports issued after a 
law is enacted lack credibility?

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    Quote of the Day <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58304>

Posted on January 24, 2014 10:25 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58304>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

    "People have to understand that we are not opposed to photo
    identification in a vacuum," he said, but it must not be used "to
    disenfranchise" people for racial or "partisan reasons."  While some
    GOP lawmakers may have a "good faith" concern here, Holder said,
    others are disingenuously "using it for partisan advantage."

    "The reality is that all the studies show that this whole question
    of ballot integrity, in-person voter fraud -- simply does not
    exist," he stressed. Given all the data, Holder contended,
    Republicans' fixation on voter ID suggests "a remedy in search of a
    problem."  "It is being used, in too many instances," he continued,
    "to depress the vote of particular groups of people who are not
    supportive of the party that is advancing these photo ID measures."

Attorney General Eric Holder, speaking to MSNBC's Ari Melber 
<http://www.msnbc.com/the-cycle/holder-people-just-need-be-patient>

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Posted in The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, voter id 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>, Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>, VRAA 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=81>


    "Koch World 2014? <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58302>

Posted on January 24, 2014 9:35 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58302>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Vogel 
<http://www.politico.com/story/2014/01/koch-brothers-2014-elections-102555.html> 
(who else?).

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>, 
campaigns <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>, tax law and election law 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=22>


    "Alabama would avoid federal elections supervision under new bill;
    Congress debates renewing part of Voting Rights Act that U.S.
    Supreme Court tossed" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58300>

Posted on January 24, 2014 7:29 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58300>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Gannett reports 
<http://www.montgomeryadvertiser.com/article/20140124/NEWS02/301240009/Alabama-would-avoid-federal-elections-supervision-under-new-bill?nclick_check=1>.

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Posted in Voting Rights Act <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>, VRAA 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=81>



-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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