[EL] Breaking 4th Cir. NC decision/more news
Rick Hasen
rhasen at law.uci.edu
Wed Oct 1 10:32:40 PDT 2014
Breaking: 4th Circuit, on 2-1 Vote, Partially Blocks NC Voting
Changes: Analysis <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=66138>
Posted onOctober 1, 2014 9:38 am
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=66138>byRick Hasen
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>
The 4th Circuit on a 2-1 vote
<http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/NC-Opinion.pdf>(on a
panel made up of all Democratic appointees) has issued an opinion
requiring North Carolina to restore same day voter registration and the
counting of out of precinct ballots in the upcoming election. The
majority offers a generous but reasonable reading of the scope of
section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. The main difference with the dissent
is over the question whether making these changes now is going to cause
confusion and impose a burden on election officials and the state in
light of Supreme Court admonitions not to change election rules so close
to the election.
This is a case that North Carolina could take to the 4th Circuit en
banc, although given the press of time I expect they will go right to
the Supreme Court. I would not be surprised to see the Supreme Court
reverse this 4th Circuit panel decision on the same 5-4
conservative/liberal lines that we saw earlier this week in the Ohio
voting case. That would not necessarily mean that the Court would reject
the broad reading of section 2 of the Voting Rights Act offered today by
the 4th Circuit. The split could be over the issue, also present in the
7th Circuit Wisconsin voter id case (which could head to the Supreme
Court today) about the dangers of courts changing election rules just
before the election.
Here is some more detailed analysis:
1. The 2-1 vote of the district court reversed only some of the
challenged voting practices: the elimination of same-day voter
registration and the prohibition on counting out-of-precinct ballots. It
upheld the district court's denial of a preliminary injunction to block
"(i) the reduction of early-voting days; (ii) the expansion of allowable
voter challengers; (iii) the elimination of the discretion of county
boards of elections to keep the polls open an additional hour on
Election Day in "extraordinary circumstances"; (iv) the elimination of
pre-registration of sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds who will not be
eighteen years old by the next general election; and (v) the soft
roll-out of voter identification requirements to go into effect in
2016." It said that plaintiffs may prevail on these claims later, but
did not make enough of a showing to get a preliminary injunction. The
dissenting judge would have blocked none of these changes before the
election.
2.The majority quickly rejects the attempt to restore early voting in
time for this election because of the hardship it says would fall on the
state and election boards in rolling out early voting in just two weeks.
As to the denial of a stop of the "soft roll out" of the voter id law,
the court wrote that "While we share Plaintiffs' concern that requiring
poll workers to implement the soft rollout without adequate training
might result in some confusion, we are unable to find that the district
court committed clear error in deeming this argument 'speculative.'"
3. As to the reversal of the district court on same day voting and out
of precinct voting, the appellate court found the trial court abused its
discretion in not granting a preliminary injunction on these practices,
finding them a likely violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.
(The majority did not reach whether the trial court was correct in
rejecting the plaintiffs' constitutional claims, as that was not
necessary for decision.} The majority first explained why vote denial
claims should be brought under Section 2:
Everyone in this case agrees that Section 2 has routinely been used
to address vote dilution---which basically allows all voters to
'sing' but forces certain groups to do so pianissimo. Vote denial is
simply a more extreme form of the same pernicious violation---those
groups are not simply made to sing quietly; instead their voices are
silenced completely. A fortiori, then, Section 2 must support
vote-denial claims.
The court then adopted a broad "totality of the circumstances" test for
judging a section 2 vote denial claim, something very much like the
trial court and Sixth Circuit adopted in the Ohio early voting case (now
stayed by the Supreme Court, though the stay gets a bare citation in the
opinion). And like the Sixth Circuit opinion, the 4th circuit here holds
that NC's decision to make things harder, a kind of retrogression, is
relevant to the "totality of the circumstances" test. (This is important
because it can explain why a cutback in a voting practice could violate
section 2 of the VRA while a state which always had a less generous
voting practice is not in violation of section 2.)
4. Looking at the totality of the circumstances, the court concludes the
history of the rollback after /Shelby County/is very relevant here:
Immediately after Shelby County, i.e., literally the next day, when
"history" without the Voting Rights Act's preclearance requirements
picked up where it left off in 1965, North Carolina rushed to pass
House Bill 589, the "full bill" legislative leadership likely knew
it could not have gotten past federal preclearance in the
pre--Shelby County era. McCrory, 997 F. Supp. 2d at 336. Thus, to
whatever extent the Supreme Court could rightly celebrate voting
rights progress in Shelby County, the post-Shelby County facts on
the ground in North Carolina should have cautioned the district
court against doing so here.
5. Looking at local factors and history, and and undisputed evidence
that the changes in same day registration and provisional balloting
disproportionately fall on minority voters, the 4th circuit majority
concluded there was likely a section 2 Voting Rights Act violation and
the district court abused its discretion in concluding otherwise. It
said that NC's bureaucratic inefficiencies and under-resourcing could
not justify these rules, even if narrower voting practices exist
elsewhere: "At the end of the day, we cannot escape the district
court's repeated findings that Plaintiffs presented undisputed evidence
showing that same-day registration and out-of-precinct voting were
enacted to increase voter participation, that African American voters
disproportionately used those electoral mechanisms, and that House Bill
589 restricted those mechanisms and thus disproportionately impacts
African American voters."
6. Judge Motz, the dissenting judge offered two basic reasons for
dissenting on the issue of same day voter registration and provisional
balloting. First, the judge found that the trial court's decisions that
the laws cumulatively would not hurt minority voters was not clearly
erroneous. "The [trial] court rejected as unpersuasive evidence offered
that constricting the early voting period assertedly would create long
lines at the polls, McCrory, 997 F. Supp. 2d at 372, affect black voters
disproportionately, id., or cut down on Sunday voting hours in the
upcoming election. Id. at 373. So too with same-day registration: the
district court rejected Appellants' assertions that eliminating same-day
registration would cause registration rates among black North
Carolinians to drop. Id. at 350. Whatever the wisdom of these factual
findings, they are not clearly erroneous." The judge said she might have
reached a different decision in reviewing the record, and that the judge
should have looked at the laws cumulatively and not piece by piece.
7. Second, and perhaps more importantly, Judge Motz in dissent said that
the Supreme Court's /Purcell v. Gonzalez/case means that the 4th Circuit
should not be changing election rules so close to the election. (This is
the key issue in the Wisconsin voter id appeal which could be heading to
the Supreme Court at any moment.) The dissent said that this ruling will
change the status quo, when sate election officials are ill prepared to
make these changes, and it is being done for a duly enacted statute
which has not been finally found to be illegal. The majority's response
is to (a) distinguish Purcell as a case where the Ninth Circuit provided
no reasons and (b) to argue that these new rules, although risking some
voter confusion, will err on the side on enfranchising voters and
thereby serve as a safety net.
[This post has been updated.]
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Posted inelection administration
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,voting
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=31>,Voting Rights Act
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>
Arkansas Republican AG Candidate Booted from Voter Rolls Because of
Residency Issues <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=66136>
Posted onOctober 1, 2014 9:15 am
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=66136>byRick Hasen
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>
See here
<http://www.bluehogreport.com/2014/09/30/breaking-leslie-rutledges-voter-registration-canceled-candidacy-now-in-question/>.
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Posted inresidency <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=38>
American Judicature Society Shutting Down After 101 Years
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=66134>
Posted onOctober 1, 2014 9:13 am
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=66134>byRick Hasen
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>
Tony Mauro reports.
<http://www.nationallawjournal.com/legaltimes/home/id=1202671953471/Judicial-Reform-Group-Shutting-Down-After-101-Years?mcode=1202615432600&curindex=0&back=NLJ>
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Posted inUncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1>
Texas's Highest Criminal Court Affirms Reversal of Tom Delay
Convictions <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=66130>
Posted onOctober 1, 2014 8:06 am
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=66130>byRick Hasen
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>
You can read the opinionhere
<http://www.search.txcourts.gov/SearchMedia.aspx?MediaVersionID=9db32996-f1b0-4e30-b605-ee7a33b51111&coa=coscca&DT=OPINION&MediaID=8ffa1473-5657-4448-9782-673f8863e318>.
Update: Concurrencehere
<http://www.search.txcourts.gov/SearchMedia.aspx?MediaVersionID=a6721ecb-0fea-4455-84d9-28392388a62f&coa=coscca&DT=OPINION&MediaID=fcf9114f-b00b-422d-866d-6246dec3babd>and
dissenthere
<http://www.search.txcourts.gov/SearchMedia.aspx?MediaVersionID=42c564c4-cb22-45a6-bf21-bc405b62e22a&coa=coscca&DT=OPINION&MediaID=331f1fc3-2854-488f-ac87-62812727a689>.
[The dissenting opinion begins: "You can always tell when an opinion is
written with the outcome decided before any legal analysis is done
because it reads like a medical report written by a doctor who has
never conducted a physical examination of the patient. This is precisely
how the court of appeals' opinion in this case comes across."]
Back when the intermediate appellate court in Texas reached the same
conclusion, I wrotea piece for /Slate/
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2013/09/tom_delay_s_conviction_reversed_on_appeal.html>which
began:
Some liberals are no doubt disappointed to hear that a Texas
appellate court today, on a 2-1 vote, reversed the conviction
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=55380> of former U.S. House Majority
Leader Tom DeLay. They shouldn't be. There were good reasons to
think
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2012/04/john_edwards_should_not_be_prosecuted_for_campaign_finance_violations_.html> that
DeLay's prosecution in Texas for violations of state campaign
finance law, like the federal prosecutions of former presidential
candidate John Edwards
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2012/04/john_edwards_should_not_be_prosecuted_for_campaign_finance_violations_.html> and
former Alabama Gov. Don Siegelman, involved politically motivated
charges brought by overzealous prosecutors. Today's ruling is a
window into the world of corporate access to elected officials, for
sure. But it confirms that the big problem is not what's illegal,
but what's legal. Check this out: The appeals court saved Tom
DeLay's hide by concluding that corporations were giving money to
get "face time" with him.
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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,chicanery
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12>
--
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org
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