[EL] ELB News and Commentary 4/13/15

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Mon Apr 13 08:00:58 PDT 2015


    Walker’s past campaign ideas go against present GOP orthodoxy”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71698>

Posted onApril 13, 2015 7:59 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71698>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Fascinating Patrick Marley piece 
<http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/walkers-past-campaign-ideas-go-against-present-gop-orthodoxy-b99478610z1-299521731.html>for 
the /Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel:/

    As a state legislator nearly 20 years ago,Gov. Scott Walker
    <http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/scott-walker-290106981.html>proposed
    a restructuring of campaign finance laws that goes against today’s
    Republican orthodoxy and includes provisions that would now be
    considered unconstitutional.

    His proposals from the late 1990s could provide fodder for his GOP
    opponents who want to blunt the momentum of hisall-but-certain
    presidential campaign
    <http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/scott-walker-david-clarke-to-address-nra-convention-b99478924z1-299344221.html>.

    The ideas offer a contrast to Walker’s current views and the way he
    has conducted his recent campaigns.

    Walker’s campaign hasfaced an investigation
    <http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/wisconsin-john-doe-investigations-271412751.html>for
    how it worked with independent groups; the probe has been stalled
    for more than a year and the state Supreme Court is expected to rule
    this year on whether it can continue or will be ended for good.

    In 1995, Walker was the lead sponsor of asweeping bill
    <http://docs.legis.wisconsin.gov/1995/proposals/ab37>that would have
    required independent groups to provide scripts of their ads to the
    government 24 hours before running them; prohibited political action
    committees from transferring more than $5,000 to one another; and
    lifted spending limits for candidates who took public money for
    campaigns if they came under attack from outside groups.

    “It’s not the kind of thing I’d suspect Gov. Walker proposing or
    supporting today,” saidRick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/>, an
    election law professor at the University of California, Irvine.

    “I’d also point out that people have the right to change their minds
    over 20 years.”

    Some provisions of Walker’s package would be widely considered
    unconstitutional today because of court rulings, said James Bopp, an
    Indiana attorney who has won a series of cases broadening political
    speech rights. Bopp has backed Walker and conservative groups in the
    campaign financeinvestigation
    <http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/wisconsin-john-doe-investigations-271412751.html>they
    have faced.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,campaigns 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>


    “Why Hillary Clinton Can’t Win the Fundraising Expectations Game”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71696>

Posted onApril 13, 2015 7:53 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71696>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Bloomberg reports. 
<http://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2015-04-13/why-hillary-clinton-can-t-win-the-fundraising-expectations-game>

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,campaigns 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>


    “SuperPACS Are Back And They Are More Powerful Than Ever”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71694>

Posted onApril 13, 2015 7:49 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71694>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Peter Overby reports 
<http://www.npr.org/2015/04/13/399292658/superpacs-are-back-and-they-are-more-powerful-than-ever>for 
NPR.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    “Keep Shining the Light on ‘Dark Money’”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71692>

Posted onApril 13, 2015 7:46 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71692>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Bob Bauer and Sam Issacharoff opinion piece 
<http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/04/keep-shining-the-light-on-dark-money-116901.html#.VSvWrdzF98F>in 
/Politico./

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    “Inside The Dark-Money Consortium Backing Hillary Clinton”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71690>

Posted onApril 13, 2015 7:46 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71690>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Paul Jossey 
<http://thefederalist.com/2015/04/13/inside-the-dark-money-consortium-backing-hillary-clinton/>at 
The Federalist.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    “Presupposing Corruption: Access, Influence, and the Future of the
    Pay-to-Play Legal Framework” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71688>

Posted onApril 12, 2015 9:09 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71688>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Allison Davis has posted a draft ofthis student note 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2593608>(forthcoming 
/William & Mary Business Law Review/) on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

    Political spending, in all of its various permutations, lies at the
    nexus between campaign finance law and pay-to-play law. Both of
    these legal doctrines seek to minimize the corrupting effects of
    money upon elected officials and candidates, and both impose various
    caps and restrictions on political contributions in order to do so.

    Over the past half-century, however, the Supreme Court has struggled
    to define what sort of activity constitutes “corruption” in the
    political sphere. In light of its decisions in 2010’s Citizens
    United v. FEC and 2014’s McCutcheon v. FEC—two seminal cases that
    dramatically altered campaign finance regulation—the Court now
    appears to recognize that access and influence do not constitute
    quid pro quo corruption or the appearance thereof. Consequently,
    this view has led to deregulation of the legal framework of campaign
    finance in recent years. Furthermore, presupposing corruption on the
    part of elected officials or candidates may not always be a lawful
    assumption upon which regulation can be based. It thus follows that
    the corruption-based rationale at the heart of certain federal,
    state, and local pay-to-play laws may also be subject to challenge.

    This Note examines the Court’s shifting views on corruption, applies
    it to various pay-to-play laws currently in effect, and ultimately
    concludes that the legal and constitutional framework for much of
    pay-to-play law as it currently stands rests on shaky ground.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    “Democrats Keep Lead in Party Identification”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71686>

Posted onApril 12, 2015 8:45 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71686>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Nate Cohn 
analysis<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/11/upshot/democrats-keep-lead-in-party-identification.html?ref=politics&abt=0002&abg=0>at 
NYT’s The Upshot.

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Posted inpolitical parties 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=25>,political polarization 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=68>


    “Group Spells Out 5-Year Plan to Build Liberal ‘Infrastructure’”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71684>

Posted onApril 12, 2015 8:35 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71684>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

NYT. 
<http://www.nytimes.com/politics/first-draft/2015/04/12/group-spells-out-5-year-plan-to-build-liberal-infrastructure/?ref=politics>

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,campaigns 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>


    “Wealthy donors on left launch new plan to wrest back control in the
    states” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71682>

Posted onApril 12, 2015 6:29 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71682>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Another Matea Gold must-read. 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/wealthy-donors-on-left-launch-new-plan-to-wrest-back-control-in-the-states/2015/04/12/ccd2f5ee-dfd3-11e4-a1b8-2ed88bc190d2_story.html?postshare=1141428887934565>

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,campaigns 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>


    “Opinion: Fayette at-large voting discriminates”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71680>

Posted onApril 12, 2015 1:28 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71680>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Leah Aden oped in the AJC 
<http://www.naacpldf.org/news/leah-aden-writes-how-large-voting-discriminates-fayette-county-georgia>.

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Posted inVoting Rights Act <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    “Do the Facts of Voting Rights Support Chief Justice Roberts’s
    Opinion in Shelby County?” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71678>

Posted onApril 12, 2015 1:26 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=71678>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Looks likea major empirical paper out 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2592829>from Morgan 
Kousser (forthcoming, /Transatlanica/).  Here is the abstract:

    In June, 2013, a 5-4 majority of the U.S. Supreme Court brought to
    an abrupt and likely permanent end the most important provision of
    the most successful civil rights law in U.S. history. Initially
    passed in 1965, Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act required “covered
    jurisdictions,” at first in the Deep South and later extended to
    Texas, Arizona, Alaska, and certain counties and townships in other
    states, to “pre-clear” any changes in their election laws with the
    Justice Department or the District Court of the District of Columbia
    before putting them into effect. Laws that changed the political
    structure – for instance, redistricting laws, annexations, and
    shifts from district to “at-large” elections for local governments –
    were restricted, as well as provisions and practices that directly
    affected individuals’ rights to vote. While acknowledging the
    success of the law in greatly increasing the number of
    African-American and Latino elected officials, Chief Justice John
    Roberts contended in his majority opinion in Shelby County v. Holder
    that the problems of 2013 were much less grave than the
    “pervasive…flagrant…widespread…rampant” voting discrimination of
    1965 and that the coverage formula was outmoded because “today’s
    statistics tell an entirely different story.”

    Neither the Chief Justice nor any scholars or civil rights
    proponents or opponents have systematically examined the evidence on
    the entire pattern of proven voting rights violations over time and
    space. Was the Chief Justice correct in asserting that such
    violations no longer tracked the coverage scheme in Section 4 of the
    Act – that, as he put it, the relationship of the formula to
    problems of vote dilution was purely “fortuitous”? Had the number of
    violations diminished so much in the years leading up to the 2006
    renewal of Section 5 that Congress should have ended preclearance
    altogether because discrimination had basically disappeared? If the
    number of voting rights lawsuits has diminished, why is that so?

    Based on the largest database of voting rights “events” – successful
    lawsuits, Section 5 Justice Department objections and “more
    information requests,” and consent decrees or settlements out of
    court that led to pro-minority changes – ever compiled, this paper
    provides a unique overview of the history of U.S. voting rights from
    1957, when the first U.S. civil rights law in 82 years passed,
    through 2013. It shows that the Chief Justice’s factual assertions
    were incorrect, that the coverage formula was still congruent with
    proven violations, and that to the extent that recorded violations
    had decreased, that was not because problems had ended, but because
    the Supreme Court had made it more difficult to win lawsuits.

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Posted inSupreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>,Voting 
Rights Act <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>

-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
hhttp://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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