[EL] ELB News and Commentary 2/4/15

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Wed Feb 4 07:45:19 PST 2015


    er Charlotte Mayor Cannon indicted for illegally voting”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70103>

Posted onFebruary 4, 2015 7:43 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70103>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

WSOC 
<http://www.wsoctv.com/news/news/local/former-charlotte-mayor-cannon-indicted-illegally-v/nj3rX/>:

    Less than three months after reporting to a federal prison to serve
    time on a public corruption charge, former Charlotte Mayor Patrick
    Cannon has been indicted for voter fraud.
    The new state charge stems from Election Day in November, when
    Cannon admits he cast a vote even though his federal bribery
    conviction made him ineligible to vote

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Posted inchicanery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12>


    “Bayit Yehudi ordered to stop giving out fruit for Tu B’Shvat”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70101>

Posted onFebruary 4, 2015 7:38 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70101>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Carob for votes 
<http://www.jpost.com/Israel-Elections/Bayit-Yehudi-ordered-to-stop-giving-out-fruit-for-Tu-BShvat-389946>?

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Posted invote buying <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=43>


    “Bundling Campaign Contributions Is Legal, but Carries Risks | A
    Question of Ethics” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70099>

Posted onFebruary 4, 2015 7:28 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70099>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Roll Call reports. 
<http://blogs.rollcall.com/beltway-insiders/harvey-whittemore-bundling-campaign-contributions/?dcz=>

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    “Democrats Learn to Love the Filibuster”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70097>

Posted onFebruary 4, 2015 7:26 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70097>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The more things change 
<http://www.politico.com/story/2015/02/senate-democrats-filibuster-114888.html?hp=lc1_4>….

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Posted inlegislation and legislatures 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=27>,political polarization 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=68>


    “Scott Walker works to harness national donor network for White
    House run” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70095>

Posted onFebruary 4, 2015 7:25 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70095>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Interesting Matea Gold report 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/scott-walker-works-to-harness-national-donor-network-for-white-house-run/2015/02/04/44c0ee96-ab5c-11e4-abe8-e1ef60ca26de_story.html>for 
WaPo.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    “These 5 states could be next to pass voter ID”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70093>

Posted onFebruary 4, 2015 7:23 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70093>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Zack Roth reports 
<http://www.msnbc.com/msnbc/states-could-be-next-pass-voter-id>for 
MSNBC.Chapin comments 
<http://blog.lib.umn.edu/cspg/electionacademy/2015/02/msnbcs_quick_5-state_voter_id.php>.

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,voter id 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>


    “Lou Correa asks for recount after losing by 43 votes to Andrew Do
    in county Board of Supervisors election”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70091>

Posted onFebruary 4, 2015 7:20 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70091>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

OC Register 
<http://www.ocregister.com/articles/recount-650001-reports-seeks.html>:

    During the observation of provisional ballots last week, Correa said
    that his lawyers found several questionable occurrences, including
    “provisional ballots being counted even though they were not signed
    by the voter; ballots cast by voters who appeared to have attempted
    to vote more than once; and voters who claimed to have moved into
    the First Supervisorial District just prior to the election without
    actually re-registering at their supposed new address.”

    Correa added that a “recount will allow us to investigate and
    determine the scope of these and any other irregularities, to
    analyze whether they might have affected the outcome of the
    election, and to decide whether further action is warranted, either
    in the form of a judicial action or the District Attorney’s
    investigation.”

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,recounts 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=50>


    You Won’t Want to Miss This Event on Corruption at Fordham—Preet
    Bharara Is the Keynote <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70089>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 5:43 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70089>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

This was set 
up<http://fordhamlawreview.org/articles/strong-fighting-corruption-in-america-and-abroad-em-fordham-law-review-em-symposium-2015-strong>before 
the Silver indictment, but wow great timing.  Looking forward to 
participating.

*Fighting Corruption in America and Abroad*

Friday, March 6, 2015

Fordham University School of law
Skadden Conference Center
150 West 62nd Street
9:00 a.m.—4:30 p.m.


  *For full schedule and registration:*


  law.fordham.edu/corruption <http://law.fordham.edu/corruption>

This full-day symposium will focus on defining corruption and 
initiatives to regulate it within the United States, internationally, 
and in foreign countries. The symposium will include a keynote address 
delivered by Preet Bharara, U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of 
New York, and four panel discussions among legal academics, prosecutors, 
defense lawyers, economists, and political philosophers.

/Keynote address:/

*Preet Bharara*, U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York

/Panels and confirmed participants:/

*What is corruption?—How Should We Define It, and Why Is It Bad? *

*Richard L. Hasen*, Chancellor’s Professor of Law and Political Science, 
University of California Irvine School of Law

*M. Todd Henderson*, Micheal J. Marks Professor of Law and Aaron 
Director Teaching Scholar, University of Chicago Law School

*Lawrence Lessig*, Roy L. Furman Professor of Law, Faculty Director, 
Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics, Harvard University

*Zephyr Teachout*, Associate Professor of Law, Fordham University School 
of Law

*Landmark Domestic Bribery Prosecutions*

*Albert Alschuler*, Professor of Law, Northwestern University; Julius 
Kreeger Professor Emeritus of Law and Criminology, University of Chicago

*Joon Kim*, Director, Criminal Division, U.S. Attorney’s Office, 
Southern District of New York

*Susan Lerner*, Executive Director, Common Cause New York

*Corruption Regulation in Practice via the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act*

*Lanny Breuer*, Partner, Covington & Burling LLP

*Jay Holtmeier*, Partner, Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP

*Mike Koehler*, Assistant Professor of Law, Southern Illinois University 
School of Law

*Lucinda Low*, Partner, Steptoe & Johnson LLP

*The Political Economy of Global Corruption Regulation*

*Thomas Lee*, Leitner Family Professor of International Law and Director 
of Graduate and International Studies, Fordham University School of Law

*Jeffrey Sachs*, Director of The Earth Institute, Quetelet Professor of 
Sustainable Development, and Professor of Health Policy and Management 
at Columbia University

*Laura Underkuffler*, Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and J. DuPratt 
White Professor of Law, Cornell University Law School

*This program is free and open to the public.*

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Posted inbribery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=54>,campaign finance 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,campaigns 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>,chicanery 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12>,conflict of interest laws 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=20>


    “Say no to look-the-other-way election, ethics board”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70087>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 11:38 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70087>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Editorial 
<http://www.beloitdailynews.com/opinion/say-no-to-look-the-other-way-election-ethics-board/article_394dd630-a8fc-11e4-8bc4-0fa1e7584d47.html>from 
the Beloit Daily News (WI).

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,ethics 
investigations <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=42>


    “IRS Chief: I Don’t Want to Be Seen As Influencing 2016″
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70085>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 11:35 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70085>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

More Dark Money Cometh. 
<http://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2015-02-03/irs-chief-i-don-t-want-to-be-seen-as-influencing-2016>

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,tax law 
and election law <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=22>


    “Democrats open new front in voting wars in Oregon”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70083>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 11:32 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70083>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Reid Wilson 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/govbeat/wp/2015/02/03/democrats-open-new-front-in-voting-wars-in-oregon/>for 
WaPo.

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>


    NYT Study in Contrasts: #SCOTUS Criticism of Unpublished Appellate
    Decisions vs. The Supreme Court’s “Shadow Docket”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70078>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 8:07 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70078>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Today’s NY Times brought us bothAdam Liptak’s Sidebar colum 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/03/us/justice-clarence-thomas-court-decisions-that-set-no-precedent.html?ref=politics>n 
in which Supreme Court Justices have been criticizing lower federal 
appellate courts for issuing “unpublished” opinions which lack the force 
of precedent in the jurisdiction, andWill Baude’s oped 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/03/opinion/the-supreme-courts-secret-decisions.html?_r=0> on 
the Supreme Court’s “shadow docket” in which it decides cases without 
issuing opinions (Will graciously discusses my “Purcell Principl 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2545676>e” paper in 
his piece, commenting that “Richard L. Hasen, an authority on election 
law, has argued 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2545676>that there 
is a common legal thread in these decisions, but the court could have 
explained its own reasoning rather than leaving it to him to surmise 
what it did.”).

There is a common thread in both of these practices: fear that issuing a 
precedential decision (rather than a bare order, or non-precedential 
decision) will cause more harm than it benefits all of us to learn the 
courts’ reasoning. Here’s Judge Kozinski of the 9th Circuit explaining 
the practice of issuing unpublished decisions:

    “We simply do not have the time to shape and edit unpublished
    dispositions to make them safe as precedent,” Judge Alex Kozinski of
    the Ninth Circuit explained
    <http://www.nonpublication.com/kozinskiletter.pdf>in 2004. “In other
    words, we can make sure that a disposition reaches the correct
    result and adequately explains to the parties why they won or lost,
    but we don’t have the time to consider how the language of the
    disposition might be construed (or misconstrued) when applied to
    future cases.”

I think given the workload of the lower courts this is a defensible 
position to take. But the Court’s docket is much smaller. And in the 
Purcell principle paper I urge the Court to issue opinions in its 
emergency election law cases (and other emergency cases) later, when the 
Court has more time to work through its decisions.  It could even order 
supplemental briefing. The stakes at the Supreme Court are higher, and 
the guidance more sorely needed on a national basis.

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Posted inSupreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    New Appeal in Texas Redistricting Case
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70074>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 7:56 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70074>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Press release via email:

    Yesterday, on behalf of two Texas voters, the Project on Fair
    Representationfiled a jurisdictional statement
    <http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/POFR-Evenwel-Evenwel-Jurisdictional-StatementFeb22015.pdf>with
    the U. S. Supreme Court in/Evenwel v. Abbott/, a voting rights case.

    At issue is the constitutionality of the Texas Senate redistricting
    plan which created thirty-one Texas Senate districts with roughly
    equal total population but with huge disparities in eligible voters.

    The plaintiffs, both of whom reside in districts significantly
    overpopulated with eligible voters as compared to other districts in
    the same plan, brought this action alleging that the plan violated
    the one-person, one-vote principle of the Fourteenth Amendment
    under/Reynolds v. Sims/. Because of the overpopulation of eligible
    voters in the plaintiff’s districts, the weight of their vote is
    worth significantly less than those voters who reside in districts
    that are under-populated with eligible voters. The petition notes
    that the deviation between eligible voters in some Texas Senate
    districts approaches 50 percent.

    The plan was challenged in 2014. Today’s filing is a direct appeal
    from a three-judge district court’s decision that held that the
    plaintiff’s constitutional challenge is a judicially unreviewable
    political question.

    Edward Blum, president of the Project on Fair Representation, a
    not-for-profit legal defense foundation that provided counsel to the
    voters, said, “This case presents the Supreme Court with the
    opportunity to clarify whether a jurisdiction can create voting
    districts that result in the underrepresentation of eligible voters
    and the overrepresentation of non-eligible voters.”

    The petition highlights the undisputed fact that that based on
    Texas’s own data, the state could have created districts equalizing
    total population/and/voter population to a significant degree.

    Blum continued, “For the constitutional doctrine of ‘one person, one
    vote’ to have any meaning, some metric of voters rather than
    non-voters must be the basis for creating legislative districts when
    conditions like those in Texas exist.”

    Founded in 2005, the Project on Fair Representation has provided
    counsel in a number of cases heard by the U.S. Supreme Court
    including/Shelby Co. Ala. v. Holder/and/Abigail Fisher v. Univ. of
    Texas/.

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Posted inUncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1>


    “Sheldon Silver and the Lawyers of New York”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70072>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 7:53 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70072>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Read Jeff Toobin. 
<http://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/sheldon-silver-lawyers-new-york?mbid=social_twitter>

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Posted inbribery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=54>,chicanery 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12>


    “Dire predictions about Citizens United prove false”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70070>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 7:51 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70070>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Scott 
Blackburn<http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2015/jan/29/scott-blackburn-dire-predictions-about-citizens-un/>Washington 
Times oped.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,Supreme 
Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “The Fall and Rise of Specialized Federal Constitutional Courts”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70068>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 7:29 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70068>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The final version of Michael Solimine’svery important article 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2272627>(/University 
of Pennsylvania Journal of Constitutional Law). /Here is the abstract:

    Most constitutional challenges in federal court to federal statutes
    are litigated in the familiar pattern of a decision by a single U.S.
    District judge, followed by an appeal to a three-judge panel of one
    of the U.S. Court of Appeals, followed by the filing of a writ of
    certiorari in the U.S. Supreme Court, which has discretion to grant
    or deny the writ. Sometimes, however, Congress requires a separate
    path for constitutional challenges to particular federal statutes,
    with the frequent challenges to provisions of the Bipartisan
    Campaign Reform Act, such as in Citizens United v. FEC (2010), being
    a notable example. These provisions often provide for the convening
    of a three-judge district court, usually in the District of
    Columbia, followed by an ostensibly mandatory appeal to the Supreme
    Court. They often also permit members of Congress to bring or
    intervene in such actions, and mandate that the federal courts
    decide the cases in an expeditious manner. All of these
    characteristics are absent from the typical challenge to federal
    statutes.

    These atypical jurisdictional provisions in effect establish
    specialized if temporary federal courts to rule on constitutional
    issues. The causes and consequences of specialized federal
    constitutional courts are an understudied phenomenon in the
    scholarly literature, a gap filled by this article. The article
    first summarizes the history of the three-judge district court,
    founded to consider all constitutional challenges to federal
    statutes, from its establishment in 1937 to its repeal in 1976. It
    next documents the instances when Congress has subsequently created
    such courts on a statute-specific basis, and addresses the
    rationales advanced in the legislative history, namely, uncertainty
    over a statute’s constitutionality, and the asserted need to
    promptly resolve that issue. The article then subjects the partial
    revival of such courts to critical examination. It argues that a
    complex and sometimes inconsistent set of reasons, including but not
    limited to Congressional abdication of constitutional deliberation
    to the judicial branch, explains the ad hoc adoption of these
    statutes. The article argues that other provisions of these laws,
    such as mandating venue in the District of Columbia or expeditious
    treatment, are unnecessary. Finally, it contends that cases
    litigated before these courts have a possibly deleterious impact on
    the quality of decisions in the Supreme Court. The article concludes
    that Congress should not pass these statutes and rather permit all
    constitutional litigation to proceed in a uniform manner.

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Posted inSupreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “Wisocnsin Right to Life: Lauds federal court decision on free
    speech” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70066>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 7:26 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70066>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Press release. <http://wispolitics.com/index.iml?Article=341139>

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    “Of Constituents and Contributors” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70064>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 7:23 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70064>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Richard Briffault has postedthis draft 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2553456>on SSRN 
(forthcoming, /University of Chicago Legal Forum/).  Here is the abstract:

    In the stirring conclusion to his opinion in McCutcheon v. FEC,
    Chief Justice Roberts pointed to the close connection between
    campaign contributions and what he called the “political
    responsiveness at the heart of the democratic process.” Invoking
    Edmund Burke, the Chief Justice eloquently declaimed that
    “[c]onstituents have the right to support candidates who share their
    views and concerns. Representatives…can be expected to be cognizant
    of and responsive to those concerns. Such responsiveness is key to
    the concept of self-governance.”

    The Chief Justice’s emphasis on the representative-constituent
    relationship jarring, however, as McCutcheon addressed the effort of
    an individual to contribute to candidates in multiple states and
    congressional districts in which he was not a constituent. Shaun
    McCutcheon had made substantial contributions to out-of-state Senate
    candidates in two states and House candidates in thirteen different
    districts. He wanted to make additional large contributions in two
    more Senate races and in House contests in seven states –
    contributions barred by the federal aggregate contribution limit he
    then challenged. His victory promises to facilitate out-of-district
    and out-of-state donations. In practice, a donor could not reach the
    aggregate cap on candidate donations without giving to candidates
    outside the donor’s own constituency. By striking down the aggregate
    limits, McCutcheon directly promotes contributions by non-constituents.

    The Chief Justice is surely right that campaign contributions are a
    way to make officeholders “responsive.” But as Shaun McCutcheon’s
    donations and intended donations demonstrate, constituents and
    contributors are not the same people. Making elected representatives
    more responsive to contributors will not make them more responsive
    to their constituents.

    This article explores some aspects of the constituent-contributor
    relationship. It finds that non-constituents provide the bulk of
    itemized individual contributions in contemporary congressional
    races and play a large part in financing many state and local
    elections, too. In effect, contributors, including outsiders, have
    become another constituency for our elected representatives. This
    creates important tensions for the American system of
    territorially-based representation based on residents voting in
    state, local and district elections, as contributors and
    constituents can have very different interests and concerns. To be
    sure, with the growing nationalization and partisanship of
    elections, outsiders may have a strong subjective interest in a
    state or local race in a distant jurisdiction even if, objectively,
    they are not governed by the results. But outsider financing
    inevitably complicates the responsiveness of elected representatives
    to the electoral constituents they are supposed to represent.

    A few jurisdictions have tried to reduce the role of outside money
    in state and local elections. State limits on outsider contributions
    have been generally, albeit not uniformly, struck down and are
    almost certainly unconstitutional. However, state and local public
    financing systems that make candidate eligibility for public funds
    contingent on raising small donations from constituents are a
    constitutional means of ameliorating the impact of outside money.

    The Chief Justice’s peroration is striking in going beyond the free
    speech argument – the McCutcheon’s right to use money to speak to
    candidates – which has been central to the current Supreme Court’s
    critique of campaign finance restrictions and makes the case for
    relaxing contribution limits in terms of the responsiveness of
    elected officials to donors. The argument that contributions affect
    the responsiveness of elected officials is more commonly a position
    taken by critics of the role of large campaign contributions in our
    system not supporters. Not only does the Chief Justice’s contention
    that striking down the aggregate limits will promote accountability
    to a representative’s constituency fail to persuade, it actually
    underscores exactly what many people find troubling about our
    campaign finance system. To the extent large donations make
    representatives more attentive to their donors, they undermine the
    very responsiveness to the electoral constituency which the Chief
    Justice celebrates as “key to the concept of self-governance.” The
    Chief Justice tried to add self-government to free speech in making
    the case against campaign finance regulation, but an examination of
    the constituency-contribution relationship to which his rhetoric
    calls attention actually demonstrates the tension between the
    Court’s program of campaign finance deregulation and democratic
    self-government.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,Supreme 
Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “Oregon Moving Toward ‘Automatic’ Voter Registration”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70062>

Posted onFebruary 3, 2015 7:16 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=70062>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

A ChapinBlog. 
<http://blog.lib.umn.edu/cspg/electionacademy/2015/02/oregon_moving_toward_automatic.php>

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,voter registration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=37>

-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
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hhttp://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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