[EL] ELB News and Commentary 7/31/15

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Fri Jul 31 09:06:03 PDT 2015


Note: Heather Gerken's post <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74682> on the 
Charles/Feuntes-Rohwer Iowa piece on the Voting Rights Act had the wrong 
link to their piece.  You can find it at:

http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2377470.



    “This is why the Voting Rights Act is on trial in North Carolina”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74765>

Posted onJuly 31, 2015 9:01 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74765>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

I have written this post 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2015/07/31/this-is-why-the-voting-rights-act-is-on-trial-in-north-carolina/?postshare=1781438352128737>for 
The Monkey Cage at WaPo.  It begins:

    In a Winston-Salem, N.C. federal courthouse,closing arguments
    <http://www.twcnews.com/nc/triad/news/2015/07/30/closing-arguments-delayed-in-nc-elections-trial.html> are
    taking place this morning in a hotly-contested trial overNorth
    Carolina’s restrictive voting law
    <http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/14/us/sides-dispute-basis-of-north-carolina-voting-laws-as-trial-contesting-them-opens.html>.
    The U.S. Department of Justice and civil rights groups say thatthe
    2013 law
    <http://www.ncga.state.nc.us/Sessions/2013/Bills/House/PDF/H589v9.pdf>,
    passed by a Republican legislature over the objections of Democrats,
    violates the Voting Rights Act and the Constitution. The state
    defends its law as necessary to prevent voter fraud and keep public
    confidence in the electoral process.

    As the New York Timesexplained
    <http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/14/us/sides-dispute-basis-of-north-carolina-voting-laws-as-trial-contesting-them-opens.html>,
    “The contested measures reduced early voting days, ended same-day
    registration, ended out-of-precinct voting and halted the
    preregistration of 16- and 17-year-old high school students. These
    measures had been adopted in the past 15 years to increase voter
    participation and were disproportionately used by black, Hispanic
    and younger voters.”

    Since the Voting Rights Act passed 50 years ago — on Aug. 6, 1965 —
    there have been many legal disputes over the extent of court
    protection for minority voting. The outcome of this one, like many
    cases before it, may depend upon how well murky law matches up with
    political science evidence.

It concludes:

    Judge Schroeder could well be faced with a situation where
    plaintiffs have trouble proving the law will have a large
    discriminatory effect on African-American voters, but also ample
    evidence that North Carolina had no good reason antifraud or voter
    confidence reason for passing this law. The law was probably
    intended to help Republicans — who are overwhelmingly supported by
    white voters and not African-Americans in North Carolina — stay in
    office.

    With this evidence and a murky legal standard, it is unclear what
    Judge Schroeder will do, but he was skeptical of plaintiffs’ case at
    an earlier stage of the case,denying a preliminary injunction
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=64152>against some of these practices.

    Whatever Judge Schroeder decides, the North Carolina case could well
    end up before the Supreme Court. And if the history of the Supreme
    Court’s cases over 50 years of the Voting Rights Act is any guide,
    the fate of North Carolina’s law may depend less upon the political
    science evidence before the Court and more on the Justices’
    ideological commitments and beliefs about the appropriate scope of
    voting protections for minorities.

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    “Symposium: Ideology, partisanship, and the new ‘one person, one
    vote’ case” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74763>

Posted onJuly 31, 2015 8:59 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74763>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

I have writtenthis contribution 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/2015/07/symposium-ideology-partisanship-and-the-new-one-person-one-vote-case/>to 
SCOTUSBlog’s symposium onEvenwel v. Abbott. 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/evenwel-v-abbott/?wpmp_switcher=desktop> It 
begins:

    It is tempting to think of the plaintiffs in/Evenwel v. Abbott/
    <http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/evenwel-v-abbott/?wpmp_switcher=desktop>as
    conservatives. After all, thebrainchild
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=72739>behind this new “one person,
    one vote” lawsuit,Ed Blum and his Project on Fair Representation
    <http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/24/us/edward-blum-and-the-project-on-fair-representation-head-to-the-supreme-court-to-fight-race-based-laws.html>,
    brought us the demise of a key provision of the Voting Rights Act in
    the Supreme Court’s/Shelby County/
    <https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/570/12-96/>/v.
    Holder/case and continued attacks on affirmative action in thesecond
    coming of the/Fisher/case
    <http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/fisher-v-university-of-texas-at-austin-2/?wpmp_switcher=desktop>.
    But the theory the/Evenwel/plaintiffs pursue is anything but
    conservative: it is about taking power away from the states and
    having the Supreme Court overturn precedent by imposing through
    judicial fiat a one-size-fits-all version of democratic theory
    unsupported by the text of the Constitution or historical
    practice./Evenwel/should be seen for what it is: not a conservative
    case but an attempted Republican power grab in Texas and other
    jurisdictions with large Latino populations.

It concludes:

    /Evenwel/is a case which should be equally disturbing for
    conservatives and liberals. For conservatives, it is a case which
    challenges existing precedent for no reason, undermines federalism
    concerns, and goes against constitutional text, history and
    practice. For liberals, the case looks like little more than a
    Republican power grab, seeking to have the Court take away
    discretion for states in an arena in which states should have some
    leeway in deciding on the appropriate means of equal representation.
    It forces states to draw districts under a court-mandated theory
    that those without the vote, including children, felons, and
    non-citizens, do not deserve representations in state legislatures.

    This is the rare case where liberals and conservatives can unite
    behind the state of Texas. Texashas properly asked
    <http://sblog.s3.amazonaws.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/14-940-bio.pdf>the
    Supreme Court to leave the “one person, one vote” question where it
    has resided for almost fifty years: with the states.

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Posted inredistricting <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=6>,Supreme Court 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    Revealing @SeanTrende- at Dale_E_Ho Exchange in NC Voting Rights Trial
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74760>

Posted onJuly 31, 2015 8:57 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74760>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

I excerpt it inthis post 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2015/07/31/this-is-why-the-voting-rights-act-is-on-trial-in-north-carolina/?postshare=1781438352128737>at 
The Monkey Cage:

    North Carolina passed its 2013 restrictive voting law just a month
    after/Shelby/. So is the change connected to is history of race
    discrimination? Real Clear Politics’ Sean Trende,testifying as an
    expert
    <http://www.digitaljournal.com/news/politics/expert-says-viva-made-north-carolina-s-voting-laws-mainstream/article/439587>political
    analyst for North Carolina, noted that seven other states besides
    North Carolina had no same-day registration, no out-of-precinct
    voting, less than 17 days of early voting, no preregistration, and a
    photo ID requirement—all five changes that were being challenged.
    Many states lacked one, two or three of these voting rules. But only
    eight states lacked all five.  That testimony led to a very
    interesting exchange withACLU lawyer Dale Ho,
    <https://www.aclu.org/bio/dale-ho>representing the plaintiffs, on
    cross-examination:

         Ho: Could you read those eight states into the record, please?

    Trende: Alabama, Michigan, Mississippi, North Carolina, South
    Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia.

    Ho:  Now, according to your opinion in this case, these eight states
    are in the mainstream; correct, Mr. Trende?

    Trende: With respect to the voting practices at issue in this case, yes.

    Ho: Now, it is true, is it not, Mr. Trende, that all eight of these
    states, with the exception of Tennessee, were at one point covered
    in whole or in part by Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act?

    Trende: I do not know.

    Ho of course was right that these seven were former preclearance
    states, suggesting that the vestiges of intentional racial
    discrimination still linger 50 years after the Voting Rights Act’s
    passage, something Trende did not factor into his analysis.

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    “Bush-aligned super PAC nets more than $100 million”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74758>

Posted onJuly 31, 2015 8:51 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74758>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

WaPo reports. 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-politics/wp/2015/07/31/bush-aligned-super-pac-nets-more-than-100-million/>

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<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>


    The Kinder, Gentler Koch Bros. (Spending Up to $889 Million with
    their Partners on Campaigns in 2016)
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74756>

Posted onJuly 31, 2015 8:49 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74756>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Nick Confessore 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/31/us/koch-brothers-brave-spotlight-to-try-to-alter-their-image.html?_r=1>in 
the NYT on Kochs’vaseline on the 
lens<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/04/14/vaseline-camera-trick-effect_n_7062900.html>trick.

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    “Embattled Florida elections chief goes on the defense”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74754>

Posted onJuly 31, 2015 8:47 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74754>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Tampa Bay Times 
<http://www.tampabay.com/news/politics/legislature/embattled-florida-elections-chief-goes-on-the-defense/2239495>:

    Under fire once again for lapses in oversight of Florida’s voter
    database and lax communication, Gov. Rick Scott’s top elections
    official says he’ll “over-communicate” in the future.

    For embattled Secretary of State Ken Detzner, it’s an
    all-too-familiar refrain as he tries to improve his strained
    relationships with county election supervisors, who depend on a
    reliable database as they tabulate votes in Florida elections.

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    “Democrats far behind GOP in raising money for ’16 super PACs”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74752>

Posted onJuly 31, 2015 8:46 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74752>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Juile Bykowicz AP 
<http://news.yahoo.com/democrats-far-behind-gop-raising-money-16-super-071744542--election.html>:

    But most of those [super PACs] aligned with specific presidential
    candidates have already said how much they raised between January
    and the end of June. So far, they account for roughly $2 of every $3
    given in the 2016 presidential race, with the vast majority of those
    donations aimed at helping Republicans win back the White House.

    Less than 9 percent of the money given to candidate-specific super
    PACs so far will benefit Clinton and her rivals for the Democratic
    nomination, according to an Associated Press analysis. The AP
    compared money raised by formal presidential campaigns with what the
    super PACs say they plan to report having raised on Friday.

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    “In Money Race, Rick Perry’s Campaign Shows the Power of Few”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74750>

Posted onJuly 31, 2015 8:42 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74750>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Bloomberg reports. 
<http://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2015-07-31/perry-s-campaign-shows-the-power-of-few?cmpid=BBD073115_POL>

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    “Zephyr Teachout on Getting Big Money Out of Politics”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74748>

Posted onJuly 31, 2015 8:41 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74748>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Justin Miller interviews Zephyr atTAP. 
<http://prospect.org/article/zephyr-teachout-getting-big-money-out-politics>

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    “In the Dark About ‘Dark Money'” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74746>

Posted onJuly 31, 2015 8:40 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74746>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Brad Smith 
<http://www.campaignfreedom.org/2015/07/30/in-the-dark-about-dark-money/>:

    What should be clear is that the very label “dark money,” whether it
    can be adequately defined or not, is intended as a pejorative to
    skew the difficult discussion about political speech and
    participation, government power, and the influence of money and
    wealthy donors. It’s handy and catchy, so it sticks, but it is not,
    and is not intended to be, a neutral description. And it’s
    definition is indeed malleable, so that the merry regulators can use
    it as they please. When they think a number sounds scary, they use
    it, as if “dark money” were some clearly defined and measurable
    concept. When their own numbers are turned back on them (as in
    pointing out that it is a very small part of total spending), “dark
    money” again becomes a vague concept, in which no one can know what
    is lurking below the surface, like some malevolent iceberg or killer
    shark.

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    “Ignorant Voters are the Problem: Campaign Finance Laws Won’t Save
    the Nation from Uninformed Voters” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74744>

Posted onJuly 31, 2015 8:37 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74744>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Tony Gaughan oped 
<http://www.usnews.com/news/the-report/articles/2015/07/31/campaign-finance-cant-be-reformed-because-of-ignorant-voters>at 
US News.  He’s also written What the Scott Walker fundraising 
controversy means for 2016 
<https://theconversation.com/what-the-scott-walker-fundraising-controversy-means-for-2016-45147>.

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Posted inUncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1>


    Quote of the Day: #SCOTUS Edition <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74742>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 4:34 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74742>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

“Sometimes people say the Supreme Court is there to protect the voice of 
a minority… Perhaps, but over time I think most Supreme Court decisions 
have been accepted as consistent with the views and beliefs and 
commitments and ideas and hopes and dreams of the people.”

—Justice Anthony Kennedy 
<http://fox13now.com/2015/07/30/u-s-supreme-court-justice-kennedy-suggests-constitution-evolves-references-same-sex-marriage-case/>, 
addressing the Utah Bar Association.

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Posted inSupreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “Why is an obscure Montana company one of John Kasich’s biggest
    boosters? One day after forming, the LLC gave $500,000 to group
    backing Ohio governor” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74740>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 3:06 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74740>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

CPI 
<http://www.publicintegrity.org/2015/07/30/17733/why-obscure-montana-company-one-john-kasichs-biggest-boosters>:

    A group backing Republican John Kasich‘s presidential aspirations
    received $500,000 in seed money from a seemingly odd source,
    according todocuments filed today
    <https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2187104-new-day-independent-media-committee.html>:
    an obscure limited liability company in Montana.

    But aCenter for Public Integrity
    <http://www.publicintegrity.org/>review of business filings
    indicates the company is linked to someone quite familiar to Kasich,
    the current governor of Ohio — a venture capitalist who served in
    Kasich’s administration.

    The limited liability company, called MMWP12 LLC, made a
    half-million-dollar donation to the pro-Kasich New Day Independent
    Media Committee the day after the company formed.

    Making matters murkier: MMWP12 LLC is actually controlled by another
    Montana-based company called K2M LLC, according tostate business
    records
    <https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2187165-mmwp12-llc-montana-business-records.html>.

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    “Larry Noble Testifies on the IRS and ‘Dark Money’ Before Senate
    Judiciary Subcommittee” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74737>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 2:11 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74737>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

See here. 
<http://www.campaignlegalcenter.org/sites/default/files/Larry%20Noble%20Testimony%20before%20Senate%20Judiciary%20on%20-%20IRS%20501cs%207-29-15.pdf>

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Posted inUncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1>


    State Expert in NC Trial: Walking 3 Miles (Each Way) to Vote Not a
    Big Deal <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74735>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 1:23 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74735>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

 From the uncorrected transcript of 7/28 from the North Carolina voting 
trial (my emphasis):

    BY MS. EARLS

    Q Thank you, Your Honor. I have just a couple of questions. Dr.
    Hofeller, in your analysis of the proximity to early voting sites,
    you concluded that a 5-mile range is a reasonable distance; is that
    correct?

    A I’m sorry. I think it was 3 miles, was it not?

    Q If it’s a 3-mile range, are you assuming that people will have
    access to a car or a motor vehicle or are you assuming that they
    would walk 3 miles?

    A Well, I mean, some will have a motor vehicle and some won’t have a
    motor vehicle.

    Q So —

    *A I know you could probably walk 3 miles. I walk 2 miles a day, and
    it doesn’t wear me out very much.*

    Q So you didn’t make any assumption either way as to whether or not
    people have access to motor vehicles?

    A You are correct. I did not make an assumption.

Wow.

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    “GOP criticizes ‘offensive’ posts of NC elections appointee”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74733>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 1:05 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74733>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

AP 
<http://www.journalnow.com/news/state_region/gop-criticizes-offensive-posts-of-nc-elections-appointee/article_118d62c8-36f5-11e5-8aa5-8ffa1cbb8f94.html>: 
“North Carolina Republican Party officials say they were unaware of 
racially tinged social media posts by a man appointed to a county 
elections board.”

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    “Pillar of Law Calls on Texas Court to Prevent Criminalization of
    Politics” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74731>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 12:45 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74731>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Press release 
<https://pillaroflaw.org/index.php/blog/entry/pillar-of-law-calls-on-texas-court-to-prevent-criminalization-of-politics>:

    The Pillar of Law Institute filed an/amicus curiae
    <https://pillaroflaw.org/images/Article_PDFs/Cary_v._Texas_II-to_file_7.30.15.pdf>/(friend-of-the-court)
    brief with the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals in the case/Cary v.
    Texas/today, arguing that the Texas Attorney General’s Office
    unconstitutionally applied the state’s bribery, money laundering and
    organized crime statutes to what were actually campaign finance
    violations.

I’m one who is generally concerned aboutthe criminalization of politics 
<http://talkingpointsmemo.com/cafe/rick-perry-and-the-criminalization-of-politics>, 
but from my quick look I worry this would greatly expand first amendment 
protections for bribery.

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Posted inbribery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=54>,campaign finance 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,chicanery 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12>


    “N.C. attorneys rest their case in federal voting rights trial”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74728>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 10:53 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74728>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The latest 
<http://www.journalnow.com/news/elections/n-c-attorneys-rest-their-case-in-federal-voting-rights/article_54025a12-36d9-11e5-bb9d-3b2faeae03ea.html>from 
the NC voting trial. “Closing arguments were scheduled for this 
afternoon, but it now appears that they won’t happen until Friday 
morning. U.S. District Judge Thomas Schroeder will issue a written 
opinion sometime later this year.”

MORE 
<http://www.twcnews.com/nc/triad/news/2015/07/30/closing-arguments-delayed-in-nc-elections-trial.html>from 
TWC.

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Posted inUncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1>


    “Outcome of trial on N.C. election law changes will have national
    effect” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74726>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 10:51 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74726>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Bob Barnes reports 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/courts_law/outcome-of-trial-on-nc-election-law-changes-will-have-national-effect/2015/07/30/00645094-35f4-11e5-b673-1df005a0fb28_story.html>for 
WaPo.

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,Supreme Court 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    On Political Fragmentation <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74720>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 9:21 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74720>byRichard Pildes 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=7>

“Conservatives hold John Boehner hostage” 
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/conservatives-hold-john-boehner-hostage/2015/07/29/6fd3060a-362b-11e5-b673-1df005a0fb28_story.html>

“Boehner response to Meadows insurrection: “No Big Deal”” 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/powerpost/wp/2015/07/29/boehner-response-to-meadows-insurrection-no-big-deal/> [corrected 
link]

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Posted inUncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1>


    “David Prosser says he didn’t need to step aside in Scott Walker
    probe” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74717>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 9:05 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74717>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel: 
<http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/david-prosser-says-he-doesnt-need-to-step-aside-in-walker-probe-b99547465z1-319731971.html>

    Wisconsin Supreme Court Justice David Prosser issued an opinion
    Wednesday saying he did not need to step aside from cases over an
    investigation intoGov. Scott Walker
    <http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/scott-walker-290106981.html>‘s
    campaign even though groups spent millions of dollars to support
    both him and the governor.

    Prosser’sdecision
    <http://media.jrn.com/documents/prosserrecusal.pdf>revealed two of
    the people caught up in the investigation had been involved in
    Prosser’s 2011 re-election bid and had stressed the importance of
    finding donors for him.

    Prosser wrote that outside spending to help him was “very valuable
    to my campaign” but did not rise to a level that would require him
    to step down from the challenge to the investigation of those
    groups. That’s because the expenditures were made four years ago, at
    a time when there was no indication they would appear before the
    state’s high court.

    “The public ultimately decides at the ballot box who is permitted to
    serve on the Wisconsin Supreme Court,” Prosser wrote. “The special
    prosecutor seeks to prevent an elected justice from performing that
    service unless that unelected special prosecutor wants the elected
    justice to sit on the case. This is not the way the system works.”

    Prosser was part of a 4-2 majority thatruled this month
    <http://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/wisconsin-supreme-court-ends-john-doe-probe-into-scott-walkers-campaign-b99535414z1-315784501.html>that
    the probe into Walker’s campaign must be ended and evidence
    prosecutors have obtained must be destroyed. It came three days
    after the GOP governor formally announced his bid for the presidency.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,judicial 
elections <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=19>


    NVRA Settlement Reached with Oklahoma
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74715>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 9:03 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74715>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Demos press release 
<http://www.demos.org/press-release/voting-rights-advocates-settle-matter-alleging-nvra-violations>:

    Voting rights advocates and Oklahoma officials announced today that
    asettlement has been reached
    <http://www.demos.org/publication/oklahoma-national-voter-registration-act-settlement>to
    provide more effective voter registration opportunities to citizens
    throughout the state.

    This effort began last summer when the Metropolitan Tulsa Urban
    League, the League of Women Voters of Oklahoma and Metropolitan
    Tulsa, and YWCA Tulsa notified Paul Ziriax, the Secretary of the
    Oklahoma State Election Board, that it appeared Oklahoma’s public
    assistance agencies were not offering clients a meaningful
    opportunity to register to vote. Under the National Voter
    Registration Act of 1993 (NVRA), state agencies that provide public
    assistance must ask clients whether they want to register to vote,
    offer them voter registration materials, and help them complete
    registration forms.

    The community groups said in their letter to Secretary Ziriax that
    the number of voter registration applications reported statewide by
    Oklahoma public assistance agencies had dropped 81 percent since the
    initial implementation of the NVRA in 1995. At the same time, the
    average monthly participation in the SNAP program, just  one of the
    programs covered by the NVRA, nearly doubled. Only 61 percent of
    Oklahoma citizens in low-income households were registered to vote
    in 2012, compared to 81 percent of those in affluent households. In
    fieldwork investigations conducted at Oklahoma public assistance
    agencies on behalf of the community groups, a significant percentage
    of agency clients interviewed said that they received no voter
    registration services whatsoever when, under the NVRA, they should
    have….

    Read the full settlement here.
    <http://www.demos.org/publication/oklahoma-national-voter-registration-act-settlement>

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,NVRA (motor voter) 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=33>


    The Most Interesting Question in Evenwel
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74712>

Posted onJuly 30, 2015 8:30 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=74712>byRichard Pildes 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=7>

In mycontribution to the SCOTUS blog Symposium 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/2015/07/symposium-misguided-hysteria-over-evenwel-v-abbott/>in 
this case, I provide reasons that the Court is unlikely, in my view, to 
accept the appellants’ position.  But that is not the end of the case.  
The more interesting question is whether the Court will decide that the 
Constitution/forbids/states from basing districts on eligible voters 
lone and/requires/that total population be used (as, in fact, has been 
existing practice for several decades).  Here is part of what I say 
about whether states are free to pick and choose between “voter 
equality” or “representational equality” in designing districts:

    Remarkably, the Court has only focused on this substantive question
    at all in one case,/Burns v. Richardson/(1966), decided at the dawn
    of the reapportionment revolution;/Burns/concluded states could make
    either choice. Now that the issue is back before the Court nearly
    fifty years later, the jurisprudential issue is whether all the
    developments in redistricting and voting-rights law in those
    intervening years should lead the Court to conclude that equal
    protection requires a uniform understanding concerning the correct
    population measure that must be used. (My co-authored casebook,/The
    Law of Democracy/, asks whether “/Burns/survives the subsequent
    development of voting rights law.”) If the Court does conclude that
    a uniform understanding of “equality” is required, the most likely
    outcome is representational equality – equality of the total number
    of persons across districts.

    The argument for a uniform understanding of “equality” is strong, as
    a matter of both constitutional principle and pragmatic judicial
    implementation of the Constitution. In the apportionment cases, the
    Court has spoken eloquently many times about the importance of
    political equality in designing districts – but equality of whom,
    people or voters?   If the basic principle is of such constitutional
    magnitude, there is much force to the conclusion that the Court has
    an obligation to specify equality of whom, or equality with respect
    to what value or principle. The choice between electoral equality
    and representational quality is not a fine-grained technical detail
    of how to implement the Equal Protection Clause. That choice is a
    fundamental, categorical one about the essential interpretation and
    meaning of equal protection in the context of designing our basic
    democratic institutions. Does the clause require that all persons in
    a jurisdiction (non-eligible voters as well as voters) have roughly
    equal political representation? Or does it require that all eligible
    voters have a roughly equal voting power? Those are fundamentally
    different-in-kind understandings of equal protection that flow from
    the Court’s “one person, one vote” jurisprudence – precisely the
    kind of question, in other contexts, to which the Court would
    provide the answer.

    The reason the Court gave in/Burns/for leaving this choice instead
    to state discretion was that the decision of which groups to include
    in the baseline for districting “involves choices about the nature
    of representation with which we have been shown no constitutionally
    founded reason to interfere.” But in the context of the
    Reapportionment Cases, this explanation is off-key. After all, it
    was the vehement position of the dissenting Justices in these cases,
    such as Justices Harlan and Frankfurter, that the Court should not
    get involved in these issues at all because to get involved was to
    require the Court to choose among competing theories of political
    representation.

    The Court crossed that Rubicon when it decided that equal protection
    did not permit representation to be based on geographic units, such
    as towns and counties, and did require it to be based on equal
    numbers of sentient beings (people or voters). Having completely
    redefined the basis of political representation the Constitution
    requires, the Court’s reticence about not wanting to choose between
    competing theories of representation when it comes to voters or
    people rings hollow. Instead,/Burns/reads like a tentative, interim,
    and transitional decision in the early stages of working out the
    meaning of the Reapportionment Cases. Decided only two months after
    argument,/Burns/arose with elections imminently pending and dealt
    with what was only an interim districting plan; in other words, the
    stakes were low, the need for an immediate decision pressing.

    With the much fuller development of the “one person, one vote”
    doctrine in the fifty years since, it is not obvious the Court will
    be comfortable with leaving states as much discretion to choose
    “equality of whom” in districting. And given the intensity of
    today’s political conflicts over immigration, it is not difficult to
    imagine those politics coming to further poison redistricting, if
    states are free to move back and forth between using voters or
    persons as the measure of district equality. Given how aware the
    Court is of the extreme partisan polarization of our era, and how
    that polarization plays out already in districting, the Justices
    might conclude that strong pragmatic reasons further support
    adoption of a uniform principle concerning district “equality.”

    The courts of appeals, in the three major cases raising this issue,
    have all explained why representational equality is the better
    interpretation of the principles underlying the “one person, one
    vote” doctrine. But all have recognized that the issue is important
    and the question close. In/Evenwel/, this issue arose for the first
    time in the Court’s non-discretionary appellate jurisdiction; the
    Court was right to take the case, rather than summarily affirm, and
    to give this issue the attention it deserves. Texas, as the
    defendant-appellee, will only ask the Court to affirm the status quo
    and let Texas (and other States) continue to have discretion to
    choose whether to create district equality between persons or
    voters. Texas will succeed to at least that extent, I believe. But
    now that the Court will be forced to confront these issues, the
    Court might well conclude that it has an obligation to decide
    whether there is a right answer to the question under the Equal
    Protection Clause of “equality of whom” and that the better answer
    is equality of political representation for all persons.

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-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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