[EL] ELB News and Commentary 6/26/15

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Thu Jun 25 19:46:46 PDT 2015


    Exhausted by Scalia’s Rhetoric <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73787>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 7:42 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73787>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

I read a lot of Justice Scalia opinions to writeThe Most Sarcastic 
Justice <http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2550923>, 
and I have to say I really enjoyed reading those opinions—they were 
pithy, smart, insightful and blunt. Much more fun than say, reading a 
Breyer or Souter opinion with which I was much more likely to agree 
substantively.

But something’s changed more recently.Mark Tushnet 
<http://balkin.blogspot.com/2015/06/justice-scalia-as-stylist.html>puts 
it like this: “contrary to the seemingly widespread view that Justice 
Scalia is a splendid stylist, his snarkiness is getting tired.”

The question is this: has Justice Scalia’s rhetoric gotten more extreme, 
or is it just that it’s the same routine, over and over, applied in new 
cases.  I think it is some of both.

The biggest problem is a kind of Chicken Little-ism. Every majority 
opinion with which Scalia disagrees is dishonest, it means the end of 
principled jurisprudence, it will lead to horrible consequences.

I think of the earlier opinion this term in the /Alabama Redistricting 
/case <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/14pdf/13-895_o7jq.pdf>. 
There, Scalia opened his dissent with: “Today, the Court issues a 
sweeping holding that will have profound implications for the 
constitutional ideal of one person, one vote, for the future of the 
Voting RightsAct of 1965, and for the primacy of the State in managing 
its own elections. If the Court’s destination seems fantastical, just 
wait until you see the journey.”

The opinion then went on to discuss standing and related issues, but 
NEVER explained even why he thought the opinion would lead to such dire 
consequences. We got the vituperativeness, but not the follow through.

It’s as though he’s tired.  And it is making us tired of reading him.

Just wait till /Obergefell./

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Posted inSupreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    Marty Lederman on CJ Roberts’ Pragmatic Statutory Interpretation
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73785>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 7:34 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73785>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Dare not 
raise<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/the_breakfast_table/features/2015/scotus_roundup/supreme_court_2015_john_roberts_ruling_in_king_v_burwell.html>/Holy 
Trinity Church/, but no need to.

My earlier post on the return of purposivism ishere. 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73760>

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Posted instatutory interpretation 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=21>,Supreme Court 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “Montana moves to reveal corporate campaign spending”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73783>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 7:26 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73783>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

AP 
<http://missoulian.com/news/local/montana-moves-to-reveal-corporate-campaign-spending/article_12714742-f2aa-5f16-80aa-f73a4be6a34c.html>:

    Montana, a state that has long prided itself on strict campaign
    finance laws, is giving up on barring corporations from political
    spending and is instead attempting to expose every penny spent by
    them in elections.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    “IRS workers mistakenly erased tea party emails”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73781>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 7:23 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73781>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

AP 
<http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Justice/2015/0625/IRS-workers-mistakenly-erased-tea-party-emails-video>:

    Investigators are blaming mistakes by IRS employees – not a criminal
    conspiracy – for the loss of thousands of emails related to the tax
    agency’s tea party scandal.

    IRS workers erased 422 computer backup tapes that “most likely”
    contained as many as 24,000 emails to and from former IRS official
    Lois Lerner, who has emerged as a central figure in congressional
    investigations, according to IRS’s inspector general.

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Posted intax law and election law <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=22>


    “Bipartisan Overhaul of Dysfunctional FEC Introduced by
    Representatives Kilmer and Renacci “
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73779>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 2:02 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73779>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Release 
<http://www.campaignlegalcenter.org/news/press-releases/bipartisan-overhaul-dysfunctional-fec-introduced-representatives-kilmer-and>:

    Today, Rep. Derek Kilmer (D-WA) and Rep. Jim Renacci (R-OH)
    introduced a bipartisan bill to overhaul the Federal Election
    Commission (FEC) and break the gridlock that has left the federal
    campaign finance watchdog incapable of performing many of its most
    important duties.  The/Restoring Integrity to America’s Elections
    Act/would reform an agency where enforcement actions and rulemakings
    have ground to a halt in recent years despite a spike in apparent
    violations and a pressing need to promulgate new rules in responses
    to Supreme Court decisions striking down a number of longstanding
    campaign finance laws.  Representatives Lou Barletta (R-PA) and John
    Carney (D-DE) are also original cosponsors of the bill.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,federal 
election commission <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=24>


    “Members of Congress propose politicization of government contracts”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73777>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 2:00 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73777>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Eric Wang has writtenthis oped 
<http://thehill.com/blogs/congress-blog/politics/246056-members-of-congress-propose-politicization-of-government>in 
The Hill.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    Justice Alito Sends Conflicting Signals on Amicus Briefs in
    Federalism Cases <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73774>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 12:46 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73774>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

I found this statement in Justice Alito’s dissent in the Fair Housing 
case <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/14pdf/13-1371_m64o.pdf>to be 
curious:

    The Court also stresses that “many of our Nation’s largest
    cities—entities that are potential defendants in disparate-impact
    suits—have submitted an/amicus/brief in this case supporting
    disparate-impact liability under the FHA.”/Ante,/at 23–24.

    This nod to federalism is puzzling. Only a minority of the States
    and only a small fraction of the Nation’s municipalities have urged
    us to hold that the FHA allows disparate-impact suits. And even if a
    majority supported the Court’s position, that would not be a
    relevant consideration for a court. In any event, nothing prevents
    States and local government from enacting their own fair housing
    laws, including laws creating disparate-impact liability. See 42 U.
    S. C. §3615 (recognizing local authority).

Although Justice Alito says these shouldn’t count, he’s also saying that 
if you do this, you want to get a lot of states and municipalities on board.

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Posted inSupreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “New Rick Perry Super PAC Ad May Amount to an Illegally Large
    Campaign Donation” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73772>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 12:14 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73772>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Shane Goldmacher 
<http://www.nationaljournal.com/2016-elections/new-rick-perry-super-pac-ad-may-amount-to-an-illegally-large-campaign-donation-20150625>National 
Journal:

    A new ad from the super PAC supportingRick Perry
    <http://www.nationaljournal.com/rick-perry-2016-election>may amount
    to an illegally sized campaign contribution because it prominently
    features official signs and paraphernalia from the Perry campaign.

    The 30-second spot <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-IBzaX7vt18>,
    which began airing in Iowa earlier this week, was paid for by the
    Opportunity and Freedom PAC, which is led by former Perry chiefs of
    staff Ray Sullivan and Mike Toomey.

    The ad features footage from Perry’s announcement speech, including
    a podium decorated with an official Perry campaign logo, a plane
    emblazoned with the campaign’s insignia, and images of the crowd
    waving official Perry presidential signs.

    Federal election law states that broadcasting materials produced by
    a campaign amounts to a campaign contribution. If the ad, which is
    airing as part of a $145,350 buy that the super PAC recently
    reported, is ruled to be such a contribution by election
    authorities, then it would be above the legal limits of what Perry
    can receive.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,campaigns 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>


    NYT Reporter to Cover Plutocracy Beat
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73770>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 12:04 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73770>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Interesting development. 
<http://publiceditor.blogs.nytimes.com/2015/06/25/is-greater-focus-on-the-superrich-right-for-the-times/?ref=topics>

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Posted inPlutocrats United <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=104>


    Chief Justice Roberts is Still Very Conservative
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73767>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 11:53 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73767>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Josh Gerstein rounds up 
<http://www.politico.com/story/2015/06/gop-conservatives-angry-supreme-court-chief-john-roberts-obamacare-119431.html>angry 
conservative reactions to the Obamacare ruling. And of course they are 
angry.

But let’s put this into context: on racial issues, on campaign finance, 
on states’ rights, abortion, Roberts is still very, very conservative.

He is more conservative than Justice Kennedy on many of these issues.

That he is not as conservative as Scalia, Thomas or Alito does not mean 
he’s a liberal. It’s all relative.

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Posted inSupreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “Small number of possible voter fraud cases referred to county
    prosecutors” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73765>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 11:43 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73765>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

News 
<http://www.cleveland.com/open/index.ssf/2015/06/small_number_of_possible_voter_fraud_cases_referred_to_county_prosecutors.html>from 
Ohio.

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Posted inchicanery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12>,election 
administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>


    “W.H., Watchdogs rail against ‘dark money’ provision tucked into
    House bill” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73762>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 8:54 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73762>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

WaPo 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/powerpost/wp/2015/06/25/appropriations-bill-hobbling-campaign-disclosure-advances-as-white-house-considers-executive-order/>:

    The House Appropriations Committee approved a spending bill last
    week that included little-noticed provisions to hobble executive
    branch efforts to mandate campaign finance disclosure by federal
    contractors and other corporations.

    The bill would also prohibit the IRS from moving ahead with a rule
    defining political activity for nonprofits.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,tax law 
and election law <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=22>


    King v. Burwell: The Return of “Purpose” in Statutory Interpretation
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73760>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 8:33 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73760>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The Supreme Court’s decision inKing v. Burwell 
<http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/KINGVBURWELL.pdf>is 
interesting not only in its result but in its application of statutory 
interpretation.

Before the case, so much ink was spilled (and more virtual ink virtually 
spilled) on the question of deference to the IRS’s interpretation of 
ambiguity under the statute (under the so-called “Chevron” doctrine) as 
well as principles of federalism, which were used to argue for results 
for and against the Administration in the case. There were also 
questions about the standing of various plaintiffs. There were arguments 
about the intent of the drafters, and what MIT economist Gruber said, or 
may have said, or may have misspoken about the way the law was supposed 
to work. In the end, the Court rejected application of Chevron deference 
to the IRS and federalism made no appearance. Nor did standing or Gruber 
get discussed.  Instead the Court’s analysis went basically like this:

The question whether tax subsidies applied to poor people in states that 
did not set up their own health care exchange is important, so important 
that it is hard to believe that Congress would have delegated that 
question to an agency (and particularly to the IRS, whose job it is to 
collect revenue not design health care policy). So there is no “Chevron” 
deference on the question. The court has to use its tools of statutory 
interpretation to decide the case. The law, read as a whole, is 
ambiguous. It is certainly possible to read the challenged language as 
giving subsidies only to people in state exchanges and not in the 
federal exchange. But there are other parts of the law, read in context, 
that only make sense if subsidies apply to those in state or federal 
exchanges. In such an ambiguous case, it is the /purpose/of the law that 
should govern.*“Congress passed the Affordable Care Act to improve 
health insurance markets, not to destroy them. If at all possible, we 
must interpret the Act in a way that is consistent with the former, and 
avoids the latter.”*

This means of interpretation is important for a number of reasons. 
First, it means that a new administration with a new IRS Commissioner 
cannot reinterpret the law to take away subsidies. Second, it puts more 
power into the hands of Congress over administrative agencies (and 
therefore the executive), at least on issues at the core of 
congressional legislation. Third, and most important as a general 
principle, it rehabilitates a focus on the law’s /purpose/as a 
touchstone to interpretation, over a rigid and formalistic textualism 
that ignores real-world consequences. If followed through consistently, 
this principle would greatly improve our statutory interpretation. As 
Iwrote on this point in 
/Slate/<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2014/07/d_c_circuit_and_4th_circuit_obamacare_rulings_the_perils_of_following_scalia.html>in 
July, discussing the various lower court opinions on the Obamacare question:

    Unless you are a lawyer or a glutton for punishment, you probably
    want to avoid reading the newD.C. Circuit
    <http://www.cadc.uscourts.gov/internet/opinions.nsf/10125254D91F8BAC85257D1D004E6176/$file/14-5018-1503850.pdf>and4^th
    Circuit
    <http://www.ca4.uscourts.gov/Opinions/Published/141158.P.pdf>opinions reaching
    conflicting results on the legality of key provisions of the
    Affordable Care Act—the parts that provide subsidies for Americans
    who sign up for health insurance through the exchanges the law
    created. The opinions are full of jargon parsing the intricacies of
    the mammoth health care law. But well within the weeds of these
    lawyerly discussions is a more fundamental question: Is it the
    courts’ job to make laws work for the people, or to treat laws as
    arid linguistic puzzles?

In today’s King v. Burwell, the Court said that in close cases, make the 
law work the way Congress obviously intended it. That’s a very good thing.

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Posted instatutory interpretation 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=21>,Supreme Court 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    #SCOTUS Fair Housing Decision May Have Effect on Voting Rights Act
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73758>

Posted onJune 25, 2015 7:29 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73758>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

This morning on a 5-4 vote the Supreme Court upheld the use of a 
disparate impact test in a fair housing case. Justice Kennedywrote the 
opinion <http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/14pdf/13-1371_m64o.pdf>, 
joined by the Court’s four liberals and over four dissenting Justices.

A parallel issue arises under the effects test of Section 2 of the 
Voting Rights Act.  What does one have to show in the vote denial cases, 
such as when voter id laws have a disparate impact on racial minorities? 
Statistical disparities are not enough in the housing context, but 
looking at them is ok provided there is proof of causality:

    But disparate-impact liability has always been properly limited in
    key respects that avoid the serious constitutional questions that
    might arise under the FHA, for instance, if such liability were
    imposed based solely on a showing of a statistical disparity.
    Disparate-impact liability mandates the “removal of artificial,
    arbitrary, and unnecessary barriers,” not the displacement of valid
    governmental policies./Griggs/,/supra/, at 431. The FHA is not an
    instrument to force housing authorities to reorder theirpriorities.
    Rather, the FHA aims to ensure that those priorities can be achieved
    without arbitrarily creatingdiscriminatory effects or perpetuating
    segregation.

    Unlike the heartland of disparate-impact suits targetingartificial
    barriers to housing, the underlying dispute in this case involves a
    novel theory of liability. See Seicsh-naydre, Is Disparate Impact
    Having Any Impact? An Appellate Analysis of Forty Years of Disparate
    ImpactClaims Under the Fair Housing Act, 63 Am. U. L. Rev.357,
    360–363 (2013) (noting the rarity of this type of claim). This case,
    on remand, may be seen simply as anattempt to second-guess which of
    two reasonable approaches a housing authority should follow in the
    soundexercise of its discretion in allocating tax credits for
    low-income housing.

    An important and appropriate means of ensuring that disparate-impact
    liability is properly limited is to givehousing authorities and
    private developers leeway to state and explain the valid interest
    served by their policies.This step of the analysis is analogous to
    the business necessity standard under Title VII and provides a
    defense against disparate-impact liability. See 78 Fed. Reg. 11470
    (explaining that HUD did not use the phrase “business necessity”
    because that “phrase may not be easily understood to cover the full
    scope of practices covered by the Fair Housing Act, which applies to
    individuals, busi-nesses, nonprofit organizations, and public
    entities”). As the Court explained in/Ricci/, an entity “could be
    liable for disparate-impact discrimination only if the [challenged
    practices] were not job related and consistent with business
    necessity.” 557 U. S., at 587. Just as an employer may maintain a
    workplace requirement that causes adisparate impact if that
    requirement is a “reasonable measure[ment] of job
    performance,”/Griggs/,/supra/, at 436, so too must housing
    authorities and private developers be allowed to maintain a policy
    if they can prove it is necessary to achieve a valid interest. To be
    sure, the Title VII framework may not transfer exactly to the
    fair-housing context, but the comparison suffices for present purposes…

    In a similar vein, a disparate-impact claim that relies on a
    statistical disparity must fail if the plaintiff cannot point to a
    defendant’s policy or policies causing that disparity. A robust
    causality requirement ensures that “[r]acialimbalance . . . does
    not, without more, establish a primafacie case of disparate impact”
    and thus protects defendants from being held liable for racial
    disparities they did not create./Wards Cove Packing Co./v./Atonio/,
    490 U. S. 642, 653 (1989), superseded by statute on other grounds,42
    U. S. C. §2000e–2(k). Without adequate safeguards atthe prima facie
    stage, disparate-impact liability mightcause race to be used and
    considered in a pervasive way and “would almost inexorably lead”
    governmental orprivate entities to use “numerical quotas,” and
    seriousconstitutional questions then could arise. 490 U. S., at 653/./

I expect lower courts will look at this language in the Section 2 vote 
denial cases.

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Posted inSupreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>,Voting 
Rights Act <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>

-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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