[EL] The Supreme Court's Decision to Decide Whether It's One Person, One Vote or One Voter, One Vote

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Tue May 26 11:59:05 PDT 2015


I'm not disagreeing, just saying that Evenwel alone likely will not 
settle the issue.

On 5/26/15 11:56 AM, Samuel Bagenstos wrote:
> On the Congress-versus-state-legislature point: If the Court says in 
> Evenwel that CVAP, or something like it, is the relevant baseline in 
> state redistricting, I could certainly write the brief that says that 
> a different rule applies in congressional redistricting.  But the 
> other side would have a lot to work with, too, starting with the text 
> of Article I and extending through language in Wesberry and subsequent 
> cases that looks a lot like the language they'll rely on in Reynolds 
> and subsequent cases.  I would expect that, /if the Court rules that 
> CVAP or something like it is the relevant baseline in state 
> redistricting/, the same Court will apply the same rule to 
> congressional redistricting.
>
> On Tue, May 26, 2015 at 2:37 PM, Douglas Johnson 
> <djohnson at ndcresearch.com <mailto:djohnson at ndcresearch.com>> wrote:
>
>     I agree Rick is correct about the different population basis for
>     congressional vs other districts – thanks for the reminder.
>
>     But the point remains the same, if slightly more limited:
>
>     The largest State Assembly District in California (AD78 in San
>     Diego) has 352,199 eligible voters (defined by CVAP) while the
>     smallest (AD53 in Los Angeles) has 164,102: a 2.15 to 1 margin.
>
>     -Doug
>
>     Douglas Johnson, Fellow
>
>     Rose Institute of State and Local Government
>
>     at Claremont McKenna College
>
>     douglas.johnson at cmc.edu <mailto:douglas.johnson at cmc.edu>
>
>     310-200-2058 <tel:310-200-2058>
>
>     *From:*law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu
>     <mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu>
>     [mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu
>     <mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu>] *On Behalf
>     Of *Rick Hasen
>     *Sent:* Tuesday, May 26, 2015 11:16 AM
>     *To:* law-election at department-lists.uci.edu
>     <mailto:law-election at department-lists.uci.edu>
>
>
>     *Subject:* Re: [EL] The Supreme Court's Decision to Decide Whether
>     It's One Person, One Vote or One Voter, One Vote
>
>     The Evenwel case is about state, not congressional,
>     redistricting.  And the source of the one person, one vote rule in
>     the two contexts is not the same. Nonetheless, the logic of the
>     decision in Evenwel will likely carry over to congressional
>     redistricting.
>
>     On 5/26/15 11:12 AM, Douglas Johnson wrote:
>
>         For reference:
>
>         I went back to the data from the California Independent
>         Redistricting Commission
>         <http://wedrawthelines.ca.gov/downloads/meeting_handouts_082011/crc_20110815_5appendix_3.pdf>
>         and just posted in theCalifornia Voting Rights Act Facebook
>         page <http://www.facebook.com/vraofca> how big a change this
>         would represent:
>
>         In California, Congressional Districts are equal in total
>         population (within 1 person), but vary widely in eligible
>         voters (as defined by Citizen Voting Age Population). At the
>         extremes, Congressional District 1 has 521,232 eligible
>         voters, while CD 40 has only 261,568 -- a two-to-one difference.
>
>         CD 1 is in the far north of the state, while CD 40 is in Los
>         Angeles County and encompasses Paramount, Downey, Bell,
>         Maywood, and neighboring small cities.
>
>         -Doug
>
>         Douglas Johnson, Fellow
>
>         Rose Institute of State and Local Government
>
>         at Claremont McKenna College
>
>         douglas.johnson at cmc.edu <mailto:douglas.johnson at cmc.edu>
>
>         310-200-2058 <tel:310-200-2058>
>
>         *From:*law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu
>         <mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu>
>         [mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu] *On
>         Behalf Of *Samuel Bagenstos
>         *Sent:* Tuesday, May 26, 2015 10:35 AM
>         *To:* Pildes, Rick
>         *Cc:* <law-election at department-lists.uci.edu>
>         <mailto:law-election at department-lists.uci.edu>
>         (law-election at department-lists.uci.edu
>         <mailto:law-election at department-lists.uci.edu>)
>         *Subject:* Re: [EL] The Supreme Court's Decision to Decide
>         Whether It's One Person, One Vote or One Voter, One Vote
>
>         Rick,
>
>         Could you say more about the basis for the prediction in your
>         last sentence?
>
>         Best,
>
>         Sam
>
>         On Tue, May 26, 2015 at 1:30 PM, Pildes, Rick
>         <pildesr at exchange.law.nyu.edu
>         <mailto:pildesr at exchange.law.nyu.edu>> wrote:
>
>         The Supreme Court’s decision today to decide what “one person,
>         one vote” actually means is not all that surprising, at least
>         to many of us.  In all the years since the Court recognized
>         that election districts must have equal populations, the Court
>         never squarely resolved what the baseline ought to be for
>         determining “equality” — must districts have equal numbers of
>         residents or equal numbers of eligible voters (which would
>         exclude the young, non-citizens, felons unable to vote)? In
>         1966, in the earliest days of the reapportionment revolution,
>         the Court did hold that states could choose between equalizing
>         population or eligible voters (/Burns v. Richardson, /384 U.S.
>         73 (1966)).  But a lot has happened in the maturation of the
>         law in the ensuing 50 years; in general, the Court has placed
>         greater emphasis on the use of more concrete, precise standards.
>
>         Moreover, there is something odd about such a basic
>         constitutional standard under the Equal Protection Clause as
>         the principle of political equality that’s reflected in the
>         “one person, one vote” standard being so ill-defined that
>         states are free to choose whether it’s persons or voters that
>         matter for purposes of equality.  Few constitutional standards
>         work that way. In practice, most states have used residents,
>         not voters, for the baseline, but the doctrine leaves open the
>         possibility that states could use other baselines.  And as
>         long as the baseline remains constitutionally undefined,
>         states can manipulate the districting system by choosing one
>         baseline over another in order to achieve various partisan or
>         political ends.  The difference can be significant, especially
>         in areas of the country — such as Texas, where this case comes
>         from — with large numbers of non-citizen residents.
>
>         In addition, since /Burns/, we have had the emergence of the
>         Voting Rights Act requirements concerning how districts must
>         be designed to avoid diluting the vote of particular minority
>         groups.  To ensure political equality in this arena, the
>         baseline for drawing districts has been voters — not
>         residents.  Thus, to decide whether a district provides an
>         “equality opportunity to elect” for minority voters, the
>         courts do not look at the total number of minority residents —
>         they look to the total number of voting-age eligible
>         residents.  So there is at least some superficial tension
>         between the VRA, where voters are the baseline, and the Equal
>         Protection standard, where most states use population as the
>         baseline.  That provides another reason the Court might want
>         to clarify what the right baseline is under the Equal
>         Protection Clause.
>
>         Now that the issue is squarely before the Court, my view is
>         that the Court ought to adopt a clear, uniform standard to end
>         uncertainty and potential manipulation regarding what counts
>         as the baseline for the requirement of equality between
>         election districts. Once the Court confronts the arguments on
>         that question, I tend to think the Court will conclude that
>         the best answer is one person, one vote — that it is the
>         requirement of equal numbers of residents (not voters) per
>         district that is critical for constitutional purposes.
>
>         Best,
>
>         Rick
>
>         Richard H. Pildes
>
>         Sudler Family Professor of Constitutional Law
>
>         NYU School of Law
>
>         40 Washington Square South, NY, NY 10012
>
>         212 998-6377 <tel:212%20998-6377>
>
>
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>
>
>
>         -- 
>
>         Samuel Bagenstos
>
>         sbagen at gmail.com <mailto:sbagen at gmail.com>
>
>         Twitter: @sbagen
>
>         My University of Michigan homepage:
>         http://www.law.umich.edu/FacultyBio/Pages/FacultyBio.aspx?FacID=sambagen
>
>
>
>
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>
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>
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>
>
>
>     -- 
>
>     Rick Hasen
>
>     Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
>
>     UC Irvine School of Law
>
>     401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
>
>     Irvine, CA 92697-8000
>
>     949.824.3072  <tel:949.824.3072>  - office
>
>     949.824.0495  <tel:949.824.0495>  - fax
>
>     rhasen at law.uci.edu  <mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu>
>
>     http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
>
>     http://electionlawblog.org
>
>
>     _______________________________________________
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>
>
>
> -- 
> Samuel Bagenstos
> sbagen at gmail.com <mailto:sbagen at gmail.com>
> Twitter: @sbagen
> My University of Michigan homepage: 
> http://www.law.umich.edu/FacultyBio/Pages/FacultyBio.aspx?FacID=sambagen

-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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