[EL] The Supreme Court's Decision to Decide Whether It's One Person, One Vote or One Voter, One Vote
Edward Still
still at votelaw.com
Tue May 26 14:56:43 PDT 2015
Is the citation to the article supposed to lead to the article or just a
description of the article? I get only the latter.
Edward Still
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On Tue, May 26, 2015 at 1:19 PM, Gaddie, Ronald K. <rkgaddie at ou.edu> wrote:
> Chuck Bullock, ustin Wert & I engaged this topis a bit in a piece
> presented at Stanford Law about four years ago:
>
>
> https://journals.law.stanford.edu/stanford-law-policy-review/print/volume-23/issue-2-redistricting-2010s/seats-votes-citizens-and-one-person-one-vote-problem
>
> Ronald Keith Gaddie, Justin J. Wert, *& *Charles S. Bullock, III, 2012. Seats,
> Votes, Citizens, and the One-Person, One-Vote Problem. * Stanford Law &
> Policy Review* 23: 431-454.
>
> ------------------------------
> Ronald Keith Gaddie, Ph.D.
> *President's Associates Presidential Professor*
> * & Chair *Department of Political Science <http://psc.ou.edu>
> Associate Director, Center for Intelligence & National Security
> <http://cins.ouhsc.edu>
> The University of Oklahoma, Norman, OK 73019
> Phone: 405.325.2061
> Email: rkgaddie at ou.edu
> On twitter: @GaddieWindage <https://twitter.com/gaddiewindage>
> ------------------------------
> *From:* law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu [
> law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu] on behalf of Samuel
> Bagenstos [sbagen at gmail.com]
> *Sent:* Tuesday, May 26, 2015 12:34 PM
> *To:* Pildes, Rick
> *Cc:* <law-election at department-lists.uci.edu> (
> law-election at department-lists.uci.edu)
> *Subject:* Re: [EL] The Supreme Court's Decision to Decide Whether It's
> One Person, One Vote or One Voter, One Vote
>
> Rick,
>
> Could you say more about the basis for the prediction in your last
> sentence?
>
> Best,
>
> Sam
>
> On Tue, May 26, 2015 at 1:30 PM, Pildes, Rick <
> pildesr at exchange.law.nyu.edu> wrote:
>
>> The Supreme Court’s decision today to decide what “one person, one
>> vote” actually means is not all that surprising, at least to many of us.
>> In all the years since the Court recognized that election districts must
>> have equal populations, the Court never squarely resolved what the baseline
>> ought to be for determining “equality” — must districts have equal numbers
>> of residents or equal numbers of eligible voters (which would exclude the
>> young, non-citizens, felons unable to vote)? In 1966, in the earliest days
>> of the reapportionment revolution, the Court did hold that states could
>> choose between equalizing population or eligible voters (*Burns v.
>> Richardson, *384 U.S. 73 (1966)). But a lot has happened in the
>> maturation of the law in the ensuing 50 years; in general, the Court has
>> placed greater emphasis on the use of more concrete, precise standards.
>>
>> Moreover, there is something odd about such a basic constitutional
>> standard under the Equal Protection Clause as the principle of political
>> equality that’s reflected in the “one person, one vote” standard being so
>> ill-defined that states are free to choose whether it’s persons or voters
>> that matter for purposes of equality. Few constitutional standards work
>> that way. In practice, most states have used residents, not voters, for
>> the baseline, but the doctrine leaves open the possibility that states
>> could use other baselines. And as long as the baseline remains
>> constitutionally undefined, states can manipulate the districting system by
>> choosing one baseline over another in order to achieve various partisan or
>> political ends. The difference can be significant, especially in areas of
>> the country — such as Texas, where this case comes from — with large
>> numbers of non-citizen residents.
>>
>> In addition, since *Burns*, we have had the emergence of the Voting
>> Rights Act requirements concerning how districts must be designed to avoid
>> diluting the vote of particular minority groups. To ensure political
>> equality in this arena, the baseline for drawing districts has been voters
>> — not residents. Thus, to decide whether a district provides an “equality
>> opportunity to elect” for minority voters, the courts do not look at the
>> total number of minority residents — they look to the total number of
>> voting-age eligible residents. So there is at least some superficial
>> tension between the VRA, where voters are the baseline, and the Equal
>> Protection standard, where most states use population as the baseline.
>> That provides another reason the Court might want to clarify what the right
>> baseline is under the Equal Protection Clause.
>>
>> Now that the issue is squarely before the Court, my view is that the
>> Court ought to adopt a clear, uniform standard to end uncertainty and
>> potential manipulation regarding what counts as the baseline for the
>> requirement of equality between election districts. Once the Court
>> confronts the arguments on that question, I tend to think the Court will
>> conclude that the best answer is one person, one vote — that it is the
>> requirement of equal numbers of residents (not voters) per district that is
>> critical for constitutional purposes.
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> Best,
>>
>> Rick
>>
>>
>>
>> Richard H. Pildes
>>
>> Sudler Family Professor of Constitutional Law
>>
>> NYU School of Law
>>
>> 40 Washington Square South, NY, NY 10012
>>
>> 212 998-6377
>>
>>
>>
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>
>
>
> --
> Samuel Bagenstos
> sbagen at gmail.com
> Twitter: @sbagen
> My University of Michigan homepage:
> http://www.law.umich.edu/FacultyBio/Pages/FacultyBio.aspx?FacID=sambagen
>
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