[EL] ELB News and Commentary 11/15/15

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Sun Nov 15 10:02:38 PST 2015


    “Clinton under fire for linking her Wall Street donations to 9/11”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77551>

Posted onNovember 15, 2015 9:54 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77551>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Politico 
<http://www.politico.com/blogs/live-from-des-moines/2015/11/hillary-clinton-911-backlash-wall-street-215896>:

    Minutes after Hillary Clinton referenced 9/11 as part of the reason
    why she has received significant contributions from Wall Street,
    people on both sides of the aisle pounced or were, at the very
    least, left scratching their heads to account for it.

    “So, I represented New York, and I represented New York on 9/11 when
    we were attacked. Where were we attacked? We were attacked in
    downtown Manhattan where Wall Street is,” Clinton said, in response
    to a comment from Bernie Sanders about her acceptance of campaign
    cash from Wall Street executives. “I did spend a whole lot of time
    and effort helping them rebuild. That was good for New York. It was
    good for the economy and it was a way to rebuke the terrorists who
    had attacked our country.”

See alsoDebate Exposes Clinton’s Wall Street Underbelly. 
<http://www.politico.com/story/2015/11/hillary-clinton-wall-street-debate-215902>

TPM 
<http://talkingpointsmemo.com/livewire/sanders-clinton-wall-street-donors-cbs-debate>:

    The CBS moderators later returned to Clinton’s answer,citing a
    tweet<https://twitter.com/AndyGrewal/status/665727759168081920?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw>during
    the debate from a University of Iowa law professor that reads, “Have
    never seen a candidate invoke 9/11 to justify millions of Wall
    Street donations. Until now.” Clinton was asked how her work after
    9/11 was related to campaign donations.

    “I worked closely with New Yorkers after 9/11 for my entire term to
    rebuild. So, yes, I did know people,” Clinton responded. “I’ve had a
    lot of folks give me donations from all kinds of backgrounds say, ‘I
    don’t agree with you on everything, but I like what you do. I like
    how you stand up. I’m going to support you.’ And I think that is
    absolutely appropriate.”

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,campaigns 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>


    Roundup of Stories on #SCOTUS Decision to Hear Va Redistricting Case
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77549>

Posted onNovember 15, 2015 9:45 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77549>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Via How Appealing. <http://howappealing.abovethelaw.com/111315.html#064311>

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Posted inredistricting <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=6>,Supreme Court 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “Rich Tradition of Minority Party Representation Continues in
    Pennsylvania and Connecticut” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77547>

Posted onNovember 15, 2015 9:43 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77547>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Chris Hughes 
<http://www.fairvote.org/research-and-analysis/blog/rich-tradition-of-minority-party-representation-continues-in-pennsylvania-and-connecticut/>for 
FairVote:

    An interesting thing happened this year on Election Day in towns,
    cities, and counties across Pennsylvania and Connecticut. Despite
    the odds being stacked against them, minority parties earned
    representation thanks to fair representation voting methods. Many of
    thejurisdictions we
    highlight<http://www.fairvote.org/reforms/fair-representation-voting/fair-voting-in-the-united-states/jurisdictions-using-fair-voting/>that
    use these sorts of non-winner-take-all voting methods had those
    systems imposed upon them by judges inVoting
    <http://www.fairvote.org/reforms/fair-representation-voting/fair-voting-in-the-united-states/jurisdictions-using-fair-voting/#Texas>Rights<http://www.fairvote.org/reforms/fair-representation-voting/fair-voting-in-the-united-states/jurisdictions-using-fair-voting/#NewYork>Act<http://www.fairvote.org/reforms/fair-representation-voting/fair-voting-in-the-united-states/jurisdictions-using-fair-voting/#OH>cases
    <http://www.fairvote.org/reforms/fair-representation-voting/fair-voting-in-the-united-states/jurisdictions-using-fair-voting/#NC>,
    but just as many – including all these uses in Pennsylvania and
    Connecticut – introduced these reforms through statute.

    Pennsylvania
    <http://www.fairvote.org/reforms/fair-representation-voting/fair-voting-in-the-united-states/jurisdictions-using-fair-voting/#PA>has
    used fair voting methods for over a century andConnecticut
    <http://www.fairvote.org/reforms/fair-representation-voting/fair-voting-in-the-united-states/jurisdictions-using-fair-voting/#Connecticut>for
    more than half a century (since before the Voting Rights Act even
    existed). They ensure that minority parties can earn representation
    in communities where they would be otherwise shut out of government.
    Minority party representation in cities and counties across
    Connecticut and Pennsylvania reflects structural rules that have
    been in place for decades to ensure more political diversity than we
    see in most American cities today.

    The key has been the use of a modest form of fair representation
    voting with the unfortunate label of “limited voting.” Contrary to
    the moniker, limited voting greatly expands the number of voters who
    can elect a candidate of choice. It does this by making sure that a
    single cohesive majority does not have the power to elect every
    single member of a legislative body. If five are to be elected,
    voters may only be allowed to vote for three. That way, that
    cohesive majority will be able to elect three, but not all five.
    Another group – otherwise shut out – will be able to organize to win
    the other two seats.

    Most places in Pennsylvania and Connecticut couple limited voting
    with “limited nominations,” which means that no political party can
    nominate enough candidates to win every seat. The two are a natural
    fit for each other, butlimited nominations is distinct from limited
    voting
    <http://www.fairvote.org/research-and-analysis/blog/seventh-circuit-and-limited-nominations-an-effective-voice-in-the-general-election-/>.
    The two do not always go together, and limited nominations raises
    voter choice concerns that limited voting does not.

    Limited voting creates an opportunity for fair representation, but
    only when political parties limit their nominees, when candidates
    campaign to emphasize the right strategies, and when voters vote
    strategically. That makes limited voting a weak form of fair
    representation voting: it does break open winner-take-all, but it
    does not ensure fair results to nearly the degree asranked choice
    voting <http://www.fairvote.org/reforms/instant-runoff-voting/>does.
    Nevertheless, the fact that these elections took place demonstrates
    that U.S. elections are not all stuck in the rut of winner-take-all
    voting rules, and that the U.S. has a rich history of fair
    representation in at-large elections.

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Posted inalternative voting systems <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=63>


    “Criminal Law: Free Speech, Anti-Corruption, and the Criminalization
    of Government Affairs” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77545>

Posted onNovember 15, 2015 9:42 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77545>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

This event <https://m.guidebook.com/guide/48108/event/12103196/>, 
including Eugene Volokh, took place at the 2015 Federalist Society 
national lawyers’ meeting.

Watch the video 
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8VEPw7kTBFo&feature=youtu.be>.

Here’s the description:

    If we accept the premise that government, and government power, is
    growing, then the stakes for elective office have never been higher.
    With the levers of power at stake, are we seeing an increase in the
    use of the criminal justice system to attack legitimate political
    activity? Or are we perhaps seeing the proper policing of increased
    fraud and abuse by those in the political sphere? In a media climate
    in which a mere investigation can be fatal to a political campaign
    or career, what actions are political and what actions are criminal,
    and who should decide?

    Criminal Law: Free Speech, Anti-Corruption, and the Criminalization
    of Government Affairs

    –Mr. Todd P. Graves, Partner, Graves Garrett LLC
    –Mr. Edward T. Kang, Partner, Alston & Bird LLP
    –Prof. Eugene Volokh, Gary T. Schwartz Professor of Law, UCLA School
    of Law
    –Mr. Peter R. Zeidenberg, Partner, Arent Fox LLP
    –Moderator: Hon. Raymond W. Gruender, U.S. Court of Appeals, Eighth
    Circuit

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Posted inbribery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=54>,chicanery 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12>


    “To increase youth turnout, make voting sexy”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77543>

Posted onNovember 15, 2015 9:38 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77543>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Tara Sonenshine 
<http://thehill.com/blogs/pundits-blog/uncategorized/260024-to-increase-youth-turnout-make-voting-sexy>in 
The Hill.

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Posted invoting <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=31>


    “Growing anxiety in Iowa as Democrats worry state is not ready for
    caucuses” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77541>

Posted onNovember 15, 2015 9:37 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77541>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Ben Jacobs 
<http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/nov/14/iowa-democrats-not-ready-caucuses?CMP=share_btn_tw>for 
The Guardian:

    IowaDemocrats <http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/democrats>are
    increasingly worried the state party may not be prepared for the
    caucuses on 1 February, putting Iowa’s first-in-the-nation status at
    risk.

    With a little more than 80 days left, a number of top Democrats in
    the state expressed their concerns to the Guardian that the party
    has not done the work necessary to ensure thatthe caucuses
    <http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/oct/25/iowa-dinner-democrats-hillary-clinton-bernie-sanders-martin-omalley>,
    run solely by the Iowa Democratic party, will go smoothly.

    Iowa Democrats described growing anxiety over a state party they
    said was drifting and unprepared to organize in 1,681 precincts to
    ensure the result of the contest to pick Iowa’s choice for the
    Democratic presidential nomination is promptly reported.

    In 2012, no winner was declared in the Republican caucuses for
    almost three weeks because of problems reporting accurate results.
    The state Republican party eventually announced that Rick Santorum
    had beaten Mitt Romney. There are mounting fears that the Democratic
    caucuses in 2016 may go the same way.

Flashback to my Feb. 2012 /Slate /piece: Kill the Caucuses! Maine, 
Nevada, and Iowa were embarrassing. It’s time to make primaries the 
rule. 
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2012/02/congress_should_kill_the_republican_and_democratic_state_caucuses_and_mandate_primaries_instead_.html>

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Posted inpolitical parties 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=25>,primaries 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=32>


    Breaking: #SCOTUS Will Hear Virginia Redistricting Case
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77536>

Posted onNovember 13, 2015 11:35 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77536>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

There will be a lot of attention (for good reason) to the Court’s 
decision to hear a Texas abortion case 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/14/us/politics/supreme-court-accepts-texas-abortion-law-case.html?hp&action=click&pgtype=Homepage&clickSource=story-heading&module=first-column-region&region=top-news&WT.nav=top-news>, 
but the Court will also hold a hearing on Wittman v. Personhuballah 
<http://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/wittman-v-personhuballah/>, 
a Virginiaredistricting case 
<http://www.supremecourt.gov/search.aspx?filename=/docketfiles/14-1504.htm>. 
  (This case involves congressional redistricting and I’ve writtenabout 
it here <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=73232>; there’s another Virginia 
case involving  Virginia state house redistricting 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=76966>which has also beenappealed 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77092>to the Supreme Court.)

Here are the questions presented:

    1) Whether the court below erred in failing to make the required
    finding that race rather than politics predominated in District 3,
    where there is no dispute that politics explains the Enacted Plan;
    (2) whether the court below erred in relieving plaintiffs of their
    burden to show an alternative plan that achieves the General
    Assembly’s political goals, is comparably consistent with
    traditional districting principles, and brings about greater racial
    balance than the Enacted Plan; (3) whether, regardless of any other
    error, the finding of a/Shaw
    <https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/92-357.ZS.html> /violation
    by the court below was based on clearly erroneous fact-finding; (4)
    whether the majority erred in holding that the Enacted Plan fails
    strict scrutiny because it increased District 3’s black voting-age
    population percentage above the benchmark percentage, when the
    undisputed evidence establishes that the increase better complies
    with neutral principles than would reducing the percentage and no
    racial bloc voting analysis would support a reduction capable of
    realistically securing Section 5 preclearance.

But theCourt in its order 
<http://www.supremecourt.gov/orders/courtorders/111315zr1_8mjp.pdf>has 
also added a standing question:

    Further consideration of the question of jurisdiction is postponed
    to the hearing of the case on the merits. In addition to the
    questions presented by the jurisdictional statement, the parties are
    directed to brief and argue the following question: Whether
    appellants lack standing because none reside in or represent the
    only congressional district whose constitutionality is at issue in
    this case.

This case is a follow on to the Alabama redistricting case decided last 
year. I’ve done a detailed analysis of that case, in a paper,Racial 
Gerrymandering’s Questionable Revival 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2601459>, about to 
be published in the /Alabama Law Review/‘s symposium on the 50th 
anniversary of the Voting Rights Act.  You can find the near final draft 
on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

    Like history, the racial gerrymandering cause of action has repeated
    itself, the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce.

    In the 1990s, conservative members of the Supreme Court recognized a
    new cause of action, grounded in the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal
    Protection Clause, of an “unconstitutional racial gerrymander.” The
    claim was not one, long recognized, for the intentional dilution of
    black votes through the manipulative drawing of district lines.
    Instead, it was a shaky, ephemeral claim based solely on
    appearances. Racial gerrymandering is an “expressive harm,” aimed at
    preventing jurisdictions from sending an impermissible “message” by
    separating voters on the basis of race without adequate
    justification. In practice, the cause of action helped limit
    attempts by the U.S. Department of Justice to force jurisdictions
    then covered by Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act to create more
    majority-minority voting districts which tended to vote Democratic.
    Sometimes doing so helped Democrats; at other times the
    concentration of reliable Democratic voters helped Republicans.
    Within a decade, however, racial gerrymandering claims seemed to
    wither away, as the Court used other methods to stop the Department
    from reading the Act too broadly.

    In 2015, the Supreme Court revived racial gerrymandering claims. In
    Alabama Legislative Black Caucus v. Alabama, the four liberals on
    the Court and Justice Kennedy agreed with Democrats and minority
    voters that the state of Alabama engaged in an unconstitutional
    racial gerrymander when it passed a legislative districting plan
    which over-concentrated black voters in majority-minority districts
    in ostensible compliance with the Voting Rights Act. There was great
    irony in the use of the racial gerrymandering cause of action by
    minority voters who had rejected it in the 1990s, in its acceptance
    by liberal justices, and in the defense of race-based redistricting
    by Alabama Republicans and some conservative Supreme Court justices.
    While racial gerrymandering has for now become a useful tool for
    Democrats and minority plaintiffs to fight certain Republican
    gerrymanders, it is no more coherent or justified now than it was
    the first time the Court recognized it in the 1990s.

    This Essay, written for an Alabama Law Review symposium on the 50th
    anniversary of the Voting Rights Act, proceeds in three parts. Part
    I briefly describes the emergence of the racial gerrymandering cause
    of action in the 1990s and the critiques made of it. Part II briefly
    describes the circumstances leading up to the 2015 Alabama case and
    Court’s questionable revival of the racial gerrymandering claim.
    Part III argues that the racial gerrymandering claim is no more
    defensible when used by Democrats or minority voters than by
    conservatives or Republicans. No doubt the Alabama legislature used
    compliance with the Voting Rights Act as a pretext to pack more
    reliable Democratic voters into a smaller number of districts to
    help Republicans in the state overall. But that behavior should be
    policed as either a form of impermissible racial vote dilution or as
    inappropriate partisan behavior. In the end, the Supreme Court has
    relied upon the incoherent racial gerrymandering claim because lacks
    the right tools to police certain political conduct which might be
    impermissibly racist, partisan, or both. Liberal and conservative
    scholars have long recognized that the Voting Rights Act’s
    enforcement and interpretation can have partisan implications and
    motivations. The same is now true for racial gerrymandering claims,
    especially given the great overlap of race and party categories in
    the South.

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Posted inredistricting <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=6>,Supreme Court 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “A K Street How-To, Courtesy of Wall Street”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77534>

Posted onNovember 13, 2015 10:01 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=77534>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Bloomberg reports. 
<http://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2015-11-12/a-k-street-how-to-courtesy-of-wall-street>

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Posted inlobbying <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=28>

-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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