[EL] ELB News and Commentary 4/27/16

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Wed Apr 27 07:51:55 PDT 2016


    “Voting Rights Lose in North Carolina”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82311>

Posted onApril 27, 2016 7:43 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82311>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

NYT editorial. 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/27/opinion/voting-rights-lose-in-north-carolina.html>

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,voter id 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>,Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    “Judge tosses lawsuit challenging Arizona presidential primary
    results” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82309>

Posted onApril 27, 2016 7:41 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82309>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The /Arizona Republic/reports. 
<http://www.azcentral.com/story/news/politics/elections/2016/04/26/judge-tosses-lawsuit-challenging-arizona-presidential-primary-results/83561630/>

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Posted inelection administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>


    “Gifts and politics: Supreme Court hears sides in former Virginia
    governor’s case” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82307>

Posted onApril 27, 2016 7:39 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82307>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Bob 
Barnes<https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/courts_law/gifts-and-politics-supreme-court-to-hear-sides-in-former-virginia-governors-case/2016/04/27/1483fb88-0bf5-11e6-a6b6-2e6de3695b0e_story.html>on 
the McDonnell oral argument, happening now.

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Posted inbribery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=54>,campaign finance 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,Supreme Court 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “Report on de Blasio Election Spending Is Full of Details and Holes”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82305>

Posted onApril 27, 2016 7:37 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82305>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Jim Dwyer 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/27/nyregion/report-on-de-blasio-election-spending-is-full-of-details-and-holes.html?_r=0>for 
the NYT:

    te Board of Elections,said the de Blasio team
    <http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/23/nyregion/de-blasio-team-violated-campaign-finance-laws-report-says.html>had
    committed “willful and flagrant” violations of the laws by using
    those committees. She sent it on to the Manhattan district attorney.

    Her document is remarkably assiduous in places, and filled with
    flagrant, or at least gaping, holes in others.

    For instance, Ms. Sugarman managed not to notice that the State
    Democratic Committee received $766,000 in 12 days in October 2014,
    much of it from organizations and people linked to Mr. de Blasio,
    and promptly spent it on a number of the same vendors and on behalf
    of the same candidates, according toreports filed
    <http://www.elections.ny.gov:8080/plsql_browser/getreports?filer_in=A00188&fyear_in=2014&rep_in=E>with
    the elections board. Not a word appears in her report about the
    money that passed through that committee. As it happens, that
    committee is effectively controlled by the governor, Andrew M.
    Cuomo, who nominated her for her job.

    Why was the state committee left out of such a meticulous report?

    “I don’t comment on confidential memos,” Ms. Sugarman said.

    If we are going to criminalize politics, why spare one committee
    from the opprobrium heaped on others?

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,chicanery 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12>


    “Exclusive: Half of Americans think presidential nominating system
    ‘rigged’ – poll” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82303>

Posted onApril 27, 2016 7:26 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82303>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Reuters: 
<http://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-election-primaries-poll-idUSKCN0XO0ZR>

    More than half of American voters believe that the system U.S.
    political parties use to pick their candidates for the White House
    is “rigged” and more than two-thirds want to see the process
    changed, according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll.

    The results echo complaints from Republican front-runner Donald
    Trump and Democratic challenger Bernie Sanders that the system is
    stacked against them in favor of candidates with close ties to their
    parties – a critique that has triggered a nationwide debate over
    whether the process is fair.

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Posted inpolitical parties 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=25>,primaries 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=32>


    “Shelby County’s Damage Evident in North Carolina Voter ID Decision”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82301>

Posted onApril 27, 2016 7:22 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82301>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Demos blog. 
<http://www.demos.org/blog/4/26/16/shelby-countys-damage-evident-north-carolina-voter-id-decision>

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,voter id 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>,Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    “Lobbyists are People Too, and They Should Be Free to Contribute to
    California Legislative Races” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82299>

Posted onApril 27, 2016 7:11 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82299>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Brian Russ has postedthis draft 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2763756>on SSRN. 
Here is the abstract:

    The question is straightforward: does California’s ban on campaign
    contributions from lobbyists violate the First Amendment? The answer
    is not straightforward. The purpose of this Comment is to assess the
    validity of California’s ban against the changes to campaign finance
    law since Chief Justice John Roberts’s appointment to the Court. The
    Chief Judge has authored several decisions that diverted the course
    of campaign finance law through constitutional interpretations that
    will likely overwhelm California’s justifications for the ban.

    In 2000, California enacted Government Code § 85702, thereby barring
    lobbyists from making contributions to an elected state officer or
    candidate for state office if the lobbyist is registered to lobby
    the officer’s government agency. In 2001, the only time the question
    was litigated, the District Court for the Eastern District of
    California found the ban to be constitutional on First Amendment
    grounds. The decision was not appealed and remains the only case law
    on the ban. At the end of California’s 2015 legislative session, the
    state had nearly 1,800 registered lobbyists.

    Questioning the vitality of the ban is important because
    unrestricted political speech is an indispensable element of
    democratic self-governance. If the ban were challenged today, the
    outcome may be markedly different. Since Chief Justice John Roberts
    joined the Supreme Court in 2005, campaign finance limitations have
    been dramatically struck down as unconstitutional. California’s ban
    was enacted near the end of the Rehnquist Court, where decisions
    like Austin and McConnell averred a broad threat of corporate
    influence in elections to uphold restrictions on the political
    speech of corporations. However, the Roberts Court overturned parts
    of Austin and McConnell in Citizens United and McCutcheon,
    downplaying the threat of potential corruption caused by corporate
    monies in elections. If litigated today, California’s ban on
    lobbyist campaign contributions would likely be held
    unconstitutional as an overbroad restriction that neither respects
    lobbyists’ personal political interests nor responds to threats of
    actual or perceived corruption.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,lobbying 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=28>


    Congrats to Election Law Professor Jamie Raskin
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82296>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 8:04 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82296>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Jamie, who is quite a mensch, is poised to go to Congress, replacing 
Chris van Hollen, who has gone on to win the Democratic Senate 
nomination for Maryland.

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Posted inelection law biz <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=51>


    “Judge extends voting hours at 4 Baltimore sites after complaint
    from Rep. Donna Edwards” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82293>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 6:02 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82293>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

WaPo: 
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/md-politics/rep-donna-edwards-files-complaint-to-extend-baltimore-voting-hours/2016/04/26/86373736-0bf5-11e6-a6b6-2e6de3695b0e_story.html?hpid=hp_hp-top-table-main_baltimore-polls-810pm%3Ahomepage%2Fstory>

    Four polling places in Baltimore are staying open an extra hour,
    until 9 p.m., due to delays in opening, a judge ruled Tuesday evening.

    The Senate campaign of Rep. Donna Edwards filedan emergency
    complaint <http://wapo.st/1XVCfpk>against the Board of Elections in
    the city of Baltimore, asking for a two-hour extension of voting
    across the city. Instead, Circuit Court Judge Althea Handy extended
    voting in four precincts where opening delays exceeded 45 minutes.

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Posted inelection administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>


    “Is Citizens United a Get-Out-of-Jail-Free Card for Bob McDonnell?
    The U.S. Supreme Court Will Decide”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82291>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 5:58 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82291>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Brendan Fischer: 
<http://www.campaignlegalcenter.org/news/blog/citizens-united-get-out-jail-free-card-bob-mcdonnell-us-supreme-court-will-decide>

    It is a common refrain that cases like /Citizens United/ allow for
    “legalized bribery.”

    But few argue that the U.S. Supreme Court has /literally/ legalized
    pay–to-play politics; such descriptions are usually shorthand for
    the systemic ways that big money in elections has tilted the
    political system toward the donor class.

    Former Virginia Governor Bob McDonnell, however, is hoping that
    /Citizens United/ did, in fact, legalize bribery.

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Posted inbribery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=54>,campaign finance 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,Supreme Court 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “NC elections law ruling to be appealed”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82289>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 5:57 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82289>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Anne Blythe reports 
<http://www.charlotteobserver.com/news/politics-government/article74080022.html>for 
the News and Observer.

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Posted inUncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1>


    “Federal ruling on N Carolina voting laws bolsters voter ID”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82287>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 5:18 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82287>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Gary Robertson 
reports<http://bigstory.ap.org/article/a0f19725ada84f27a541863fa04b7570/federal-ruling-n-carolina-election-laws-bolsters-voter-id>for 
AP.

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Posted inUncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1>


    “How North Carolina became the epicenter of the voting rights
    battle” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82285>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 4:17 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82285>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Sari Horwitz reports 
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/how-north-carolina-became-the-epicenter-of-the-voting-rights-battle/2016/04/26/af05c5a8-0bcb-11e6-8ab8-9ad050f76d7d_story.html>for 
WaPo.

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,voter id 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>,Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    “Rep. Corrine Brown appeals to U.S. Supreme Court”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82283>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 3:14 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82283>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

News Service of Florida: 
<http://www.news4jax.com/news/politics/rep-corrine-brown-appeals-to-us-supreme-court>

    On Monday, the 12-term congresswoman appealed to the nation’s
    highest court in an effort to unwind a plan to rotate her district
    from a north-south orientation that includes her power bases of
    Jacksonville and Orlando to an east-west seat that stretches from
    Jacksonville to Gadsden County, carving up Tallahassee along the way.

Given how weak Brown’s claim was, I expect this one to be a summary 
affirmance of the lower court.

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Posted inUncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1>


    4th Circuit Panel Which Partially Reversed NC Voting Decision in
    2014 Likely to Get Case Back on Appeal
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82278>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 3:05 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82278>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

in my earlier post, Breaking and Analysis: Federal District Court 
Upholds Restrictive NC Voting Law in 485-Page Opinion 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82224>, I wrote that success on appeal in 
the North Carolina case could well turn on which judges on the 4th 
Circuit hear the case (and potentially whether the case goes en banc and 
later to the Supreme Court).

Readers may remember that the same trial judge who decided yesterday’s 
case, Judge Schroeder, was partially reversed in 2014 when he denied a 
preliminary injunction sought by plaintiffs in this case to block some 
of North Carolina’s voting changes.

A number of readers asked me whether this motions panel would be the 
same one to get the appeal, and I asked Steve Klepper of the 
excellentMaryland Appellate Blog. <https://mdappblog.com/> Stevepointed 
me <https://twitter.com/MDAppeal/status/725080097103949826>to the 4th 
Circuit’s internal rules <https://t.co/P3vwdLtoU6>:

    The composition of each panel usually changes each day during court
    week except on those occasions where only one panel is sitting in a
    given geographical location. Every effort is made to assign cases
    for oral argument to judges who have had previous involvement with
    the case on appeal through random assignment to a preargument motion
    or prior appeal in the matter, but there is no guarantee that any of
    the judges who have previously been involved with an appeal will be
    assigned to a hearing panel.

So it is likely, but not guaranteed, to go to this panel, and that is 
good news for the plaintiffs, who had luck getting a partial reversal of 
Judge Schroeder before.

Here is what I wrote <https://electionlawblog.org/?p=66138>about that 
partial reversal of the preliminary injunction at the time:

    *Breaking: 4th Circuit, on 2-1 Vote, Partially Blocks NC Voting
    Changes: Analysis*

    Posted onOctober 1, 2014 9:38 am
    <https://electionlawblog.org/?p=66138>byRick Hasen
    <https://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

    The 4th Circuit on a 2-1 vote
    <http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/NC-Opinion.pdf>(on a
    panel made up of all Democratic appointees) has issued an opinion
    requiring North Carolina to restore same day voter registration and
    the counting of out of precinct ballots in the upcoming election.
    The majority offers a generous but reasonable reading of the scope
    of section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. The main difference with the
    dissent is over the question whether making these changes now is
    going to cause confusion and impose a burden on election officials
    and the state in light of Supreme Court admonitions not to change
    election rules so close to the election.

    This is a case that North Carolina could take to the 4th Circuit en
    banc, although given the press of time I expect they will go right
    to the Supreme Court. I would not be surprised to see the Supreme
    Court reverse this 4th Circuit panel decision on the same 5-4
    conservative/liberal lines that we saw earlier this week in the Ohio
    voting case. That would not necessarily mean that the Court would
    reject the broad reading of section 2 of the Voting Rights Act
    offered today by the 4th Circuit. The split could be over the issue,
    also present in the 7th Circuit Wisconsin voter id case (which could
    head to the Supreme Court today) about the dangers of courts
    changing election rules just before the election.

    Here is some more detailed analysis:

    1. The 2-1 vote of the district court reversed only some of the
    challenged voting practices: the elimination of same-day voter
    registration and the prohibition on counting out-of-precinct
    ballots. It upheld the district court’s denial of a preliminary
    injunction to block “(i) the reduction of early-voting days; (ii)
    the expansion of allowable voter challengers; (iii) the elimination
    of the discretion of county boards of elections to keep the polls
    open an additional hour on Election Day in “extraordinary
    circumstances”; (iv) the elimination of pre-registration of sixteen-
    and seventeen-year-olds who will not be eighteen years old by the
    next general election; and (v) the soft roll-out of voter
    identification requirements to go into effect in 2016.” It said that
    plaintiffs may prevail on these claims later, but did not make
    enough of a showing to get a preliminary injunction. The dissenting
    judge would have blocked none of these changes before the election.

    2.The majority quickly rejects the attempt to restore early voting
    in time for this election because of the hardship it says would fall
    on the state and election boards in rolling out early voting in just
    two weeks. As to the denial of a stop of the “soft roll out” of the
    voter id law, the court wrote that “While we share Plaintiffs’
    concern that requiring poll workers to implement the soft rollout
    without adequate training might result in some confusion, we are
    unable to find that the district court committed clear error in
    deeming this argument ‘speculative.’”

    3. As to the reversal of the district court on same day voting and
    out of precinct voting, the appellate court found the trial court
    abused its discretion in not granting a preliminary injunction on
    these practices, finding them a likely violation of Section 2 of the
    Voting Rights Act. (The majority did not reach whether the trial
    court was correct in rejecting the plaintiffs’ constitutional
    claims, as that was not necessary for decision.} The majority first
    explained why vote denial claims should be brought under Section 2:

    Everyone in this case agrees that Section 2 has routinely been used
    to address vote dilution—which basically allows all voters to ‘sing’
    but forces certain groups to do so pianissimo. Vote denial is simply
    a more extreme form of the same pernicious violation—those groups
    are not simply made to sing quietly; instead their voices are
    silenced completely. A fortiori, then, Section 2 must support
    vote-denial claims.

    The court then adopted a broad “totality of the circumstances” test
    for judging a section 2 vote denial claim, something very much like
    the trial court and Sixth Circuit adopted in the Ohio early voting
    case (now stayed by the Supreme Court, though the stay gets a bare
    citation in the opinion). And like the Sixth Circuit opinion, the
    4th circuit here holds that NC’s decision to make things harder, a
    kind of retrogression, is relevant to the “totality of the
    circumstances” test. (This is important because it can explain why a
    cutback in a voting practice could violate section 2 of the VRA
    while a state which always had a less generous voting practice is
    not in violation of section 2.)

    4. Looking at the totality of the circumstances, the court concludes
    the history of the rollback after /Shelby County/is very relevant here:

    Immediately after Shelby County, i.e., literally the next day, when
    “history” without the Voting Rights Act’s preclearance requirements
    picked up where it left off in 1965, North Carolina rushed to pass
    House Bill 589, the “full bill” legislative leadership likely knew
    it could not have gotten past federal preclearance in the pre–Shelby
    County era. McCrory, 997 F. Supp. 2d at 336. Thus, to whatever
    extent the Supreme Court could rightly celebrate voting rights
    progress in Shelby County, the post-Shelby County facts on the
    ground in North Carolina should have cautioned the district court
    against doing so here.

    5. Looking at local factors and history, and and undisputed evidence
    that the changes in same day registration and provisional balloting
    disproportionately fall on minority voters, the 4th circuit majority
    concluded there was likely a section 2 Voting Rights Act violation
    and the district court abused its discretion in concluding
    otherwise. It said that NC’s bureaucratic inefficiencies and
    under-resourcing could not justify these rules, even if narrower
    voting practices exist elsewhere:  “At the end of the day, we cannot
    escape the district court’s repeated findings that Plaintiffs
    presented undisputed evidence showing that same-day registration and
    out-of-precinct voting were enacted to increase voter participation,
    that African American voters disproportionately used those electoral
    mechanisms, and that House Bill 589 restricted those mechanisms and
    thus disproportionately impacts African American voters.”

    6. Judge Motz, the dissenting judge offered two basic reasons for
    dissenting on the issue of same day voter registration and
    provisional balloting. First, the judge found that the trial court’s
    decisions that the laws cumulatively would not hurt minority voters
    was not clearly erroneous. “The [trial] court rejected as
    unpersuasive evidence offered that constricting the early voting
    period assertedly would create long lines at the polls, McCrory, 997
    F. Supp. 2d at 372, affect black voters disproportionately, id., or
    cut down on Sunday voting hours in the upcoming election. Id. at
    373. So too with same-day registration: the district court rejected
    Appellants’ assertions that eliminating same-day registration would
    cause registration rates among black North Carolinians to drop. Id.
    at 350. Whatever the wisdom of these factual findings, they are not
    clearly erroneous.” The judge said she might have reached a
    different decision in reviewing the record, and that the judge
    should have looked at the laws cumulatively and not piece by piece.

    7. Second, and perhaps more importantly, Judge Motz in dissent said
    that the Supreme Court’s /Purcell v. Gonzalez/case means that the
    4th Circuit should not be changing election rules so close to the
    election. (This is the key issue in the Wisconsin voter id appeal
    which could be heading to the Supreme Court at any moment.) The
    dissent said that this ruling will change the status quo, when sate
    election officials are ill prepared to make these changes, and it is
    being done for a duly enacted statute which has not been finally
    found to be illegal. The majority’s response is to (a) distinguish
    Purcell as a case where the Ninth Circuit provided no reasons and
    (b) to argue that these new rules, although risking some voter
    confusion, will err on the side on enfranchising voters and thereby
    serve as a safety net.

[This post has been updated.]

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,voter id 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>,Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    “Opponents of North Carolina’s Voter ID Law Appeal Ruling”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82276>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 2:56 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82276>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Alan Blinder 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/27/us/north-carolina-voter-id-rules-appeals-court.html>for 
the NYT:

    The protracted battle over North Carolina’s voting rules moved to a
    federal appeals court on Tuesday, one day after a judge upheld the
    Republican-backed overhaul and increased the likelihood that the
    changes would be in effect for this year’s presidential election.

    Opponents of the changes here, which include the introduction of a
    voter identification requirement and a shortening of the state’s
    early voting period, submitted formal notices of appeals. That
    shifts the litigation to the United States Court of Appeals for the
    Fourth Circuit. Lawyers said they would ask the Fourth Circuit,
    which sits in Richmond, Va., to expedite its consideration of the
    matter.

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,voter id 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>,Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    “Federal District Judge Upholds North Carolina’s Sweeping Voter ID
    Law” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82274>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 2:33 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82274>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Pam Fessler 
reports<http://www.npr.org/2016/04/26/475773206/federal-district-judge-upholds-north-carolinas-sweeping-voter-id-law>for 
NPR.

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>,voter id 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>,Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    “‘Chaos’ In Kansas: ACLU Says Two-Thirds Voter Registrations On
    Hold” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82272>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 12:31 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82272>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

AP: 
<http://talkingpointsmemo.com/news/kris-kobach-voter-registration-aclu-lawsuit>

    Voting rolls in Kansas are in “chaos” because of the state’s
    proof-of-citizenship requirements, the American Civil Liberties
    Union has argued in a court document, noting that about two-thirds
    of new voter registration applications submitted during a three-week
    period in February are on hold.
    Kansas is fending off multiple legal challenges from voting rights
    activists, and just months before the state’s August primary, the
    status of the “dual registration” system remains unclear. Federal
    judges in separate voter-registration lawsuits unfolding in Kansas
    and Washington, D.C., could rule at any time. There’s also greater
    urgency because registrations typically surge during an election year.

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>


    “The McDonnell Case: Corruption as ‘Ordinary Politics’”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82270>

Posted onApril 26, 2016 10:30 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=82270>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Daniel Weiner 
<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/daniel-i-weiner/bob-mcdonnell-goes-to-the_b_9779140.html>for 
HuffPo:

    The truth is that McDonnell’s case is not an easy one even for many
    committed advocates of political reform. One can wholeheartedly
    reject the suggestion that his actions were nothing more than
    “ordinary politics” entitled to First Amendment protection, while
    still being uneasy about use of the heavy hammer of criminal bribery
    laws to police norms of official conduct. Arguably everyone involved
    in this case (including the McDonnells) would have been better
    served by a system of clear, bright-line limits on both campaign
    contributions and personal gifts to elected officials and their
    families.

    At the end of the day, though, those safeguards only work if the
    broader political culture accepts their legitimacy. The public is
    clearly troubled by the sort of self-dealing such rules aim to
    prevent; too many elites seem to feel differently. One way or
    another, this disconnect will have to be addressed if we are to have
    any hope of restoring confidence in the integrity of our political
    system.

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Posted inbribery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=54>,campaign finance 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,Supreme Court 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>

-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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