[EL] Common Cause data on voter choices in the 2016 election
JBoppjr at aol.com
JBoppjr at aol.com
Fri Oct 28 05:50:38 PDT 2016
This Common Cause report attempts to draw a conclusion about the effect of
redistricting on competition in election districts without holding
constant seven other key factors. As I understand it, in order to draw any valid
conclusions about whether one variable causes a certain effect, you have to
hold constant other relevant variables.
(1) contribution limits. Contribution limits restrict competition by
making it harder for challengers to compete against incumbents. Which states
with legislative vs. "citizen-led" redistricting also have contribution
limits?
(2) public funding is promoted to increase competition, but this factor is
not considered. Which states with "citizen-led" redistricting also have
public funding?
(3) the voting rights act. Hasn't the requirement of majority minority
districts also resulted is less competition? It seems logical but I don't
know if there has been any research on this. How much did this factor effect
states with legislative vs "citizen-led" redistricting?
(4) demographic distribution of the population. Some states have a larger
concentration of certain populations than others. This too can effect
competition. Did the states with legislative redistricting also have larger
concentrations of certain populations which effected competition there?
(5) Political complexion of the state. Obviously, if a state were 100%
Democratic, there would be little competition in general elections. So is
the political complexion of "citizen-led" redistricting states similar to
those in state with legislative redistricting?
(6) The political party in charge of redistricting usually works to create
a favorable environment for it in a majority of the districts, since the
goal of a political party is majoritanian. However in some instances, it is
just to ensure that current incumbents stay in power, i.e. see California
congressional redistricting in the past. Either goal could result in greater
or lesser competition depending on the situation in the state. Were the
goals in redistricting similar in the "citizen-led" states as in the
legislative redistricting states?
(7) Some of the "citizen-led" redistricting schemes explicitly require
drawing competitive districts. Obviously in those states there is likely to
be more competitive districts. Were there more states with this requirement
in "citizen-led" states which could dramatically effect the results?
The final fallacy of' "citizen-led" redistricting is that citizens can be
just as partisan as politicians, but there is no accountability for their
actions. So I have focused my attention in this area on the redistricting
factors not who does it as the key.
I for one wish there were objective criteria that could be applied without
subjective judgment about the political effect of the results. This would
take the human factor out of it and could improve redistricting. I just
have not been able to come up with a way to employ them that does not
require subjective judgment And when you allow subjective judgment you will
inevitably get redistricting with an eye toward the political effect. Jim Bopp
In a message dated 10/26/2016 2:30:28 P.M. Eastern Daylight Time,
DVicuna at commoncause.org writes:
Today Common Cause released _Restoring Voter Choice: How Citizen-Led
Redistricting Can End the Manipulation of Our Elections_
(http://www.restoringvoterchoice.org/) . This report details the extent to which gerrymandering
denies voters choices this year in states in which legislators drew districts
following the last census. We examine the percentage of districts in which
campaigns were likely over before the general election because candidates
from only one major party filed to run and a subset of those districts in
which the campaigns were over even before the primary because only one person
from a major party filed to run. Our research compares how states with
different methods for drawing districts performed. The major findings are
below and the entire report is available at _www.restoringvoterchoice.org_
(http://www.restoringvoterchoice.org/) .
· Legislators are almost four times more likely than citizen
redistricting commissions to produce congressional districts that deny voters
choices in a primary and more than twice as likely to produce districts that
deny voters choices in the general election.
· Only one major party entered candidates this year in 47 –
almost one in five – of the 250 congressional districts drawn by state
legislators. That means that districts that are home to approximately 33 million
people will likely have only one major party choice in the congressional
election.
· Competition flourishes where congressional boundaries were
drawn by a citizen redistricting commission. Voters in all but eight percent of
the districts in states with commissions will have two or more major party
candidates on their congressional ballots next month.
· Voter choices are even more limited in state legislative
elections. Candidates from only one major party filed to run in 1,507 (43
percent) of the 3,506 legislative districts in states where legislators control
redistricting. In citizen redistricting commission states, that number is 29
percent.
· In 1,114 (32 percent) of the districts in those states,
competition has been so thoroughly strangled that just one person sought a major
party nomination this year, effectively ending the campaign even before the
primary. This total is 21 percent in citizen commission states.
· In eight states, a majority in the next legislature has
probably already been decided. Candidates from only one major party in those
states filed to run in 60 percent or more of legislative districts drawn by
politicians.
· In seven states, this year’s state legislative campaigns
effectively ended even before the primary election because only one major party
candidate filed to run in more than half of the districts.
· Several states stand out for the lack of choices they provide
to voters. The 2016 “People’s No Choice Awards” go to:
o Fewest choices in congressional elections: Arkansas
o Fewest choices in state legislative general elections: Georgia
o Fewest choices in state legislative primary elections: Massachusetts
Dan Vicuna
National Redistricting Manager
Common Cause
Phone: (213) 623-1216
Twitter: _ at DanVicuna_ (https://twitter.com/danvicuna)
_www.commoncause.org/redistricting_
(http://www.commoncause.org/redistricting)
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