[EL] Law-election Digest, Vol 84, Issue 26
Jon Greenbaum
jgreenbaum at lawyerscommittee.org
Sat Apr 28 18:33:31 PDT 2018
Sent via the Samsung Galaxy S8, an AT&T 4G LTE smartphone
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From: law-election-request at department-lists.uci.edu
Date: 4/28/18 3:00 PM (GMT-05:00)
To: law-election at department-lists.uci.edu
Subject: Law-election Digest, Vol 84, Issue 26
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Today's Topics:
1. FEC Commissioners Petersen and Hunter Attack FEC Commissioner
Weintraub (Smith, Brad)
2. Texas voter id ruling (Rick Hasen)
3. Re: Texas voter id ruling (Rick Hasen)
4. Re: Texas voter id ruling (Justin Levitt)
5. ELB News and Commentary 4/28/18 (Rick Hasen)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Date: Fri, 27 Apr 2018 20:58:58 +0000
From: "Smith, Brad" <BSmith at law.capital.edu>
To: "'Rick Hasen'" <rhasen at law.uci.edu>, Election Law Listserv
<law-election at uci.edu>
Subject: [EL] FEC Commissioners Petersen and Hunter Attack FEC
Commissioner Weintraub
Message-ID:
<51D6964FB432CC4D8A09CA508AF584473E8BAD65 at MSGEXCH02.capital.edu>
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"
It?s kind of funny that Rick chooses this heading at this time, given that Commissioner Weintraub has spent most of the last 5 years taking potshots at her colleagues in tweets, Statements of Reasons, and speeches. It also appears that she is blocking release of the general counsel?s report on the AAN matter.
Bradley A. Smith
Josiah H. Blackmore II/Shirley M. Nault
Professor of Law
Capital University Law School
303 E. Broad Street
Columbus, OH 43214
(617) 236-6317
From: Law-election <law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu> On Behalf Of Rick Hasen
Sent: Friday, April 27, 2018 10:40 AM
To: Election Law Listserv <law-election at uci.edu>
Subject: [EL] ELB News and Commentary 4/27/18
FEC Commissioners Petersen and Hunter Attack FEC Commissioner Weintraub<https://linkprotect.cudasvc.com/url?a=http%3a%2f%2felectionlawblog.org%2f%3fp%3d98848&c=E,1,Niaio7qGYKCD1PmNqf_8scmidlNjALQKxIpel_x59R-VlIV0IxSmk-7u1JZDneYPoPU4mi-z-l7LHG8HBjrrxM4CIKe0sYwoAB3L4hDhT90o9iWCCTAyLSMK9hc,&typo=1>
Posted on April 26, 2018 3:05 pm<https://linkprotect.cudasvc.com/url?a=http%3a%2f%2felectionlawblog.org%2f%3fp%3d98848&c=E,1,NdCe4ANqNCsQRWNYA2GNe2Y0tFEIUocg8oA6-k0ppMhdXjjTfeu-XsUeEKcIypzrFBqVLmqxIWgJYTkzvtr4U5Pmrq2qbKrouzIIJt9IMyg13EBglb27en9nnb1n&typo=1> by Rick Hasen<https://linkprotect.cudasvc.com/url?a=http%3a%2f%2felectionlawblog.org%2f%3fauthor%3d3&c=E,1,95EMqUh9ecmnFEKXZjH6D2uhi-0Mm-3WpWBgWqUKv91_z7GjT1tpWn8Iyz_H5kTpuqVfYK-xiC33lWiDUpDWvuzBU1HKduYw9EfymGbuEp7qgVCg1Oyy2A13BHA,&typo=1>
In footnote 2 of this documen<https://linkprotect.cudasvc.com/url?a=https%3a%2f%2fwww.documentcloud.org%2fdocuments%2f4448253-CREWvFECStatement.html&c=E,1,BwSiTkJT-8LwkIfFP98--Wo3AXpvbHbYu712MkqTsjQKzLm0xW8uLELOE0fWWlSuHx4LE2RXoM2JLhOyfohypEwI3-iG85pX9Ia07ByE&typo=1>t, the two Republican FEC Commissioners attack Democratic FEC Commissioner @EllenLWeintraub<https://twitter.com/EllenLWeintraub>, calling her work encouraging CREW to sue in Court and other actions ?ill-advised public statements on social media and attempts to obstruct routine Commission operations.?
Next year?s holiday party is going to be something else.
[Share]<https://www.addtoany.com/share#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D98848&title=FEC%20Commissioners%20Petersen%20and%20Hunter%20Attack%20FEC%20Commissioner%20Weintraub>
Posted in federal election commission<https://linkprotect.cudasvc.com/url?a=http%3a%2f%2felectionlawblog.org%2f%3fcat%3d24&c=E,1,OrR2hHwJ_6AWeYzEMtAK5LY8ELOgvd2crLdeSh7237QaLMg-mU-OnxhkgcWq2dpjN-0xsMCqaDlmVb08sxjTFVjqSo1KUVOHQtMFjyi4KgaiAg,,&typo=1>
--
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
rhasen at law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu>
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/<https://linkprotect.cudasvc.com/url?a=http%3a%2f%2fwww.law.uci.edu%2ffaculty%2ffull-time%2fhasen%2f&c=E,1,ymyUHEIE32ItwE70-Qsojt_Rzy1LTjwSELR0glACYYhc4gN6FxriVk-7hvTXTc1IHnrHSa_eYPt-miqqiQT-bCIxHtYLGMaN46y4YWmrbRBt3y2ffNlUgQ,,&typo=1>
http://electionlawblog.org<https://linkprotect.cudasvc.com/url?a=http%3a%2f%2felectionlawblog.org%2f&c=E,1,pQvhIQWJDfX4LTE1xWL4u43aV8TOBmn4N_RqnIjpFM3ALgeA9Rgx6ExQQGZ-Z_nCNU7QTdVZ8yWLZ-OYZExxcSBixnkZ40qxSTt15vlnMR3ocr488bqRR7_TisI,&typo=1>
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Message: 2
Date: Fri, 27 Apr 2018 22:07:37 +0000
From: Rick Hasen <rhasen at law.uci.edu>
To: Election Law Listserv <law-election at uci.edu>
Subject: [EL] Texas voter id ruling
Message-ID: <AEAC39C6-332D-4272-B84B-F77BFFB0EF15 at ad.uci.edu>
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"
Breaking and Analysis: Divided 5th Circuit Rejects Latest Challenge to Texas?s Voter ID Law, But Prospect for Further Litigation Remains<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98859>
Posted on April 27, 2018 2:14 pm<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98859> by Rick Hasen<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>
You can find a majority opinion by Judge Jones, concurring opinion by Judge Higginbotham, and dissenting opinion by Judge Graves in Veasey v. Abbott at this link.<http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/vease-opinion.pdf>
In what I consider to be a fundamentally disingenuous analysis by 5th Circuit Judge Edith Jones, a divided 5th Circuit panel has not only held that Texas?s replacement voter id law (enacted in response to an earlier finding, upheld by the 5th Circuit that its original strict voter id law violated the Voting Rights Act) is legal. It also has essentially precluded the district court from putting Texas back under federal supervision for its voting rules based on a finding of intentional discrimination in voting on the basis of race. Judge Higginbotham?s concurrence makes nice noises about the ?race or party? question I have been writing about for a long time, but in the end he does not appear to disagree with Judge Jones?s conclusion that the district court cannot put Texas back under preclearance based on an earlier finding of racially discriminatory intent. (Perhaps the plaintiffs can seek clarification on rehearing on this point, and get Judge Higgenbotham to open this back up.)
This ruling is likely to stand, because, despite the persuasiveness of Judge Graves?s dissent, the Fifth Circuit?s partisan balance has changed since the last go at this case, and an en banc process is likely to be unsuccessful, and the Supreme Court is unlikely to get involved either.
Now the details.
After many years of fighting Democrats in the state legislature, Republicans pushed through a very strict voter id law for voting, SB 14. A group of voting rights plaintiffs, with the support of the US DOJ, argued that the law violated both Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act and the Constitution. The district court found both a racially discriminatory effect under Section 2 as well as that the law was enacted with a racially discriminatory intent. That latter finding was important for two reasons: (1) it allowed the court not to defer on remedies, and it could throw out the entire law; and (2) the finding could serve as a predicate for the court, acting under Section 3 of the VRA, to put Texas back under preclearance for up to 10 years for some or all of the changes to its voting rules.
After a while, the case made it to the 5th Circuit sitting en banc, where a majority of the strongly divided court held that the trial court was right in finding a racially discriminatory effect, and another (somewhat overlapping) majority of the court held that the trial court relied on some improper evidence to figure out discriminatory intent, BUT there could well be enough permissible evidence in the record to support such a finding. Judge Jones dissented vociferously, believing there was no evidence of discriminatory effect or intent and she would have ended the case right there.
The 5th circuit remanded to the trial court. The Supreme Court refused to get involved, but Chief Justice Roberts signaled<https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/16pdf/16-393_4425.pdf> he would like to when the case was final.
While the case was pending, the district court implemented an order which softened Texas?s voter id law, including allow people to sign a statement indicating that they had a reasonable impediment to voting. Texas later enacted a new law, SB 5, which mostly (but not perfectly) tracked the interim remedy established by Texas, which in my view, while not perfect, was a great improvement on the old law.
The case went back to the trial court, and after the election of President Trump the U.S. DOJ essentially switched sides. Texas and the U.S. took the position that the enactment of SB 5 solved all the problems and mooted the case. The district court disagreed, and held that this did not cure either the problem of discriminatory effect or intent. It set a hearing on the question of putting Texas back under federal supervision. A motions panel of the 5th Circuit stopped the trial court?s action until the appeal could be settled.
Both Judge Jones in her majority opinion and Judge Graves in dissent agreed the case was not moot. Only Judge Higgenbotham said that it was. On the merits, Judge Jones said that SB 5 cured any voting rights violation, and that the trial court found no evidence the new law was passed with intentional discrimination. Accordingly, there would be no basis for putting Texas back under federal preclearance. She wrote: ?Further, because SB 5 constitutes an effective remedy for the only deficiencies testified to in SB 14, and it essentially mirrors an agreed interim order for the same purpose, the State has acted promptly following this court?s mandate, and there is no equitable basis for subjecting Texas to ongoing federal election scrutiny under Section 3(c). See McCrory, 831 F.3d at 241 (declining to impose relief under Section 3 of the Voting Rights Act and noting ?[s]uch remedies ?[are] rarely used?. . . .?).?
It is here where Judge Jones was disingenuous. The trial court found, looking at only proper evidence allowed by the 5th Circuit?s earlier decision, that the original enactment of SB 14 was done with a racially discriminatory purpose. As Judge Graves argues in dissent, this should have been reviewed for clear error and there was no clear error. Thus, even if Texas?s enactment of SB5 later on was not done with racially discriminatory intent, SB 14 was, and that alone could be the basis for the imposition of preclearance. Judge Jones just ignores all that and throw out the right of plaintiffs in the first instance to seek Section 3 relief before the district court.
And Judge Higgenbotham in his concurrence seems to go along. He argues the whole case is moot, which my last paragraph shows it is definitely not on the precelarance question. The rest of his opinion notes the race or party problem (?The difficulty lies in disentangling partisan advantage and racial purpose when a party controls the legislature and racial minorities are heavily invested in the opposite party.?) He then goes on to suggest, that passing election laws on pure partisan grounds could well raise a constitutional problem under strict scrutiny. (?Where, as here, the state cannot show that its hurried pursuit of a so recently arrived fear of voter fraud exists beyond the fantasy of political spin, its efforts can only be described in terms of race or the pursuit of political advantage. Either way, strict scrutiny is triggered?when the answer to the charge of racial purpose is a claim that the true purpose was partisan advantage, the state action fails for want of a legitimat
e purpose. This, because we have not a dilution but an outright denial of the right to vote.?) There?s a lot to like here, and Judge Higgenbotham cites my Harvard Law Review Forum piece<https://harvardlawreview.org/2014/01/race-or-party-how-courts-should-think-about-republican-efforts-to-make-it-harder-to-vote-in-north-carolina-and-elsewhere/> making this point. But that doesn?t excuse what he?s done here.
Judge Graves makes excellent points in his lengthy dissent. But if this case goes en banc, it is a tough road ahead. Remember that not only has Judge Costa left (picked off by Trump as an ambassador for potentially political reasons), there are now three deeply conservative judges now on that court (Ho, Willettt and now Duncan). It is a tough road indeed there, and at the Supreme Court. CJ Roberts was eager to get involved to help Texas. He?s likely not going to be eager to help voting rights plaintiffs.
[This post has been updated.]
[Share]<https://www.addtoany.com/share#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D98859&title=Breaking%20and%20Analysis%3A%20Divided%205th%20Circuit%20Rejects%20Latest%20Challenge%20to%20Texas%E2%80%99s%20Voter%20ID%20Law%2C%20But%20Prospect%20for%20Further%20Litigation%20Remains>
Posted in The Voting Wars<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, voter id<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>, Voting Rights Act<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>
--
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
rhasen at law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu>
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org<http://electionlawblog.org/>
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Message: 3
Date: Fri, 27 Apr 2018 22:11:51 +0000
From: Rick Hasen <rhasen at law.uci.edu>
To: Election Law Listserv <law-election at uci.edu>
Subject: Re: [EL] Texas voter id ruling
Message-ID: <6A413EAD-5409-40DD-9FDD-05E0593E9B65 at ad.uci.edu>
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"
The reference to judge Costa below should be Prado.
From: Law-election <law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu> on behalf of Rick Hasen <rhasen at law.uci.edu>
Date: Friday, April 27, 2018 at 3:08 PM
To: Election Law Listserv <law-election at uci.edu>
Subject: [EL] Texas voter id ruling
Breaking and Analysis: Divided 5th Circuit Rejects Latest Challenge to Texas?s Voter ID Law, But Prospect for Further Litigation Remains<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98859>
Posted on April 27, 2018 2:14 pm<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98859> by Rick Hasen<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>
You can find a majority opinion by Judge Jones, concurring opinion by Judge Higginbotham, and dissenting opinion by Judge Graves in Veasey v. Abbott at this link.<http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/vease-opinion.pdf>
In what I consider to be a fundamentally disingenuous analysis by 5th Circuit Judge Edith Jones, a divided 5th Circuit panel has not only held that Texas?s replacement voter id law (enacted in response to an earlier finding, upheld by the 5th Circuit that its original strict voter id law violated the Voting Rights Act) is legal. It also has essentially precluded the district court from putting Texas back under federal supervision for its voting rules based on a finding of intentional discrimination in voting on the basis of race. Judge Higginbotham?s concurrence makes nice noises about the ?race or party? question I have been writing about for a long time, but in the end he does not appear to disagree with Judge Jones?s conclusion that the district court cannot put Texas back under preclearance based on an earlier finding of racially discriminatory intent. (Perhaps the plaintiffs can seek clarification on rehearing on this point, and get Judge Higgenbotham to open this back up.)
This ruling is likely to stand, because, despite the persuasiveness of Judge Graves?s dissent, the Fifth Circuit?s partisan balance has changed since the last go at this case, and an en banc process is likely to be unsuccessful, and the Supreme Court is unlikely to get involved either.
Now the details.
After many years of fighting Democrats in the state legislature, Republicans pushed through a very strict voter id law for voting, SB 14. A group of voting rights plaintiffs, with the support of the US DOJ, argued that the law violated both Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act and the Constitution. The district court found both a racially discriminatory effect under Section 2 as well as that the law was enacted with a racially discriminatory intent. That latter finding was important for two reasons: (1) it allowed the court not to defer on remedies, and it could throw out the entire law; and (2) the finding could serve as a predicate for the court, acting under Section 3 of the VRA, to put Texas back under preclearance for up to 10 years for some or all of the changes to its voting rules.
After a while, the case made it to the 5th Circuit sitting en banc, where a majority of the strongly divided court held that the trial court was right in finding a racially discriminatory effect, and another (somewhat overlapping) majority of the court held that the trial court relied on some improper evidence to figure out discriminatory intent, BUT there could well be enough permissible evidence in the record to support such a finding. Judge Jones dissented vociferously, believing there was no evidence of discriminatory effect or intent and she would have ended the case right there.
The 5th circuit remanded to the trial court. The Supreme Court refused to get involved, but Chief Justice Roberts signaled<https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/16pdf/16-393_4425.pdf> he would like to when the case was final.
While the case was pending, the district court implemented an order which softened Texas?s voter id law, including allow people to sign a statement indicating that they had a reasonable impediment to voting. Texas later enacted a new law, SB 5, which mostly (but not perfectly) tracked the interim remedy established by Texas, which in my view, while not perfect, was a great improvement on the old law.
The case went back to the trial court, and after the election of President Trump the U.S. DOJ essentially switched sides. Texas and the U.S. took the position that the enactment of SB 5 solved all the problems and mooted the case. The district court disagreed, and held that this did not cure either the problem of discriminatory effect or intent. It set a hearing on the question of putting Texas back under federal supervision. A motions panel of the 5th Circuit stopped the trial court?s action until the appeal could be settled.
Both Judge Jones in her majority opinion and Judge Graves in dissent agreed the case was not moot. Only Judge Higgenbotham said that it was. On the merits, Judge Jones said that SB 5 cured any voting rights violation, and that the trial court found no evidence the new law was passed with intentional discrimination. Accordingly, there would be no basis for putting Texas back under federal preclearance. She wrote: ?Further, because SB 5 constitutes an effective remedy for the only deficiencies testified to in SB 14, and it essentially mirrors an agreed interim order for the same purpose, the State has acted promptly following this court?s mandate, and there is no equitable basis for subjecting Texas to ongoing federal election scrutiny under Section 3(c). See McCrory, 831 F.3d at 241 (declining to impose relief under Section 3 of the Voting Rights Act and noting ?[s]uch remedies ?[are] rarely used?. . . .?).?
It is here where Judge Jones was disingenuous. The trial court found, looking at only proper evidence allowed by the 5th Circuit?s earlier decision, that the original enactment of SB 14 was done with a racially discriminatory purpose. As Judge Graves argues in dissent, this should have been reviewed for clear error and there was no clear error. Thus, even if Texas?s enactment of SB5 later on was not done with racially discriminatory intent, SB 14 was, and that alone could be the basis for the imposition of preclearance. Judge Jones just ignores all that and throw out the right of plaintiffs in the first instance to seek Section 3 relief before the district court.
And Judge Higgenbotham in his concurrence seems to go along. He argues the whole case is moot, which my last paragraph shows it is definitely not on the precelarance question. The rest of his opinion notes the race or party problem (?The difficulty lies in disentangling partisan advantage and racial purpose when a party controls the legislature and racial minorities are heavily invested in the opposite party.?) He then goes on to suggest, that passing election laws on pure partisan grounds could well raise a constitutional problem under strict scrutiny. (?Where, as here, the state cannot show that its hurried pursuit of a so recently arrived fear of voter fraud exists beyond the fantasy of political spin, its efforts can only be described in terms of race or the pursuit of political advantage. Either way, strict scrutiny is triggered?when the answer to the charge of racial purpose is a claim that the true purpose was partisan advantage, the state action fails for want of a legitimat
e purpose. This, because we have not a dilution but an outright denial of the right to vote.?) There?s a lot to like here, and Judge Higgenbotham cites my Harvard Law Review Forum piece<https://harvardlawreview.org/2014/01/race-or-party-how-courts-should-think-about-republican-efforts-to-make-it-harder-to-vote-in-north-carolina-and-elsewhere/> making this point. But that doesn?t excuse what he?s done here.
Judge Graves makes excellent points in his lengthy dissent. But if this case goes en banc, it is a tough road ahead. Remember that not only has Judge Costa left (picked off by Trump as an ambassador for potentially political reasons), there are now three deeply conservative judges now on that court (Ho, Willettt and now Duncan). It is a tough road indeed there, and at the Supreme Court. CJ Roberts was eager to get involved to help Texas. He?s likely not going to be eager to help voting rights plaintiffs.
[This post has been updated.]
[Share]<https://www.addtoany.com/share#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D98859&title=Breaking%20and%20Analysis%3A%20Divided%205th%20Circuit%20Rejects%20Latest%20Challenge%20to%20Texas%E2%80%99s%20Voter%20ID%20Law%2C%20But%20Prospect%20for%20Further%20Litigation%20Remains>
Posted in The Voting Wars<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, voter id<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>, Voting Rights Act<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>
--
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
rhasen at law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu>
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org<http://electionlawblog.org/>
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Message: 4
Date: Fri, 27 Apr 2018 16:33:25 -0700
From: Justin Levitt <justin.levitt at lls.edu>
To: Rick Hasen <rhasen at law.uci.edu>, Election Law Listserv
<law-election at uci.edu>
Subject: Re: [EL] Texas voter id ruling
Message-ID: <7fc5ed09a6859c2d0d38917170b95c38 at mail.gmail.com>
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"
In my post on the Texas redistricting cases
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98793> earlier this week, I highlighted one
reason why Judge Jones? analysis of the section 3 issue is dangerous: it
takes any teeth out of plaintiffs? abilities to confront intentional
discrimination when a jurisdiction can reap the benefits of the
discriminatory law while fighting and delaying resolution. Under Judge
Jones? structure, there?s little incentive *not* to discriminate, as long
as the officials implementing the law calculate that they?ll be marginally
better off in the interim between passage of the law and the imposition of
an eventual remedy. And under this structure, section 3 becomes completely
impotent. We?re back to whac-a-mole.
In light of the 5th Circuit?s decision, seems like an opportune time to
plug Josh Douglas?s and Michael Solimine?s excellent (and exceedingly
timely) article
<https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3099771> on
three-judge courts? interaction with circuit decisions. Depending on what
happens at SCOTUS with the Texas redistricting case argued earlier this
week, the three-judge Texas redistricting court may well find that it is
asked to confront Judge Jones? opinion about the impact of a later-enacted
law. And then the three-judge court is going to have to decide exactly how
much attention to pay to that 5th Circuit opinion, which is what Josh and
Michael lay out in interesting detail.
Justin
*From:* Law-election <law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu> *On
Behalf Of *Rick Hasen
*Sent:* Friday, April 27, 2018 3:12 PM
*To:* Election Law Listserv <law-election at uci.edu>
*Subject:* Re: [EL] Texas voter id ruling
The reference to judge Costa below should be Prado.
*From: *Law-election <law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu> on
behalf of Rick Hasen <rhasen at law.uci.edu>
*Date: *Friday, April 27, 2018 at 3:08 PM
*To: *Election Law Listserv <law-election at uci.edu>
*Subject: *[EL] Texas voter id ruling
Breaking and Analysis: Divided 5th Circuit Rejects Latest Challenge to
Texas?s Voter ID Law, But Prospect for Further Litigation Remains
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98859>
Posted on April 27, 2018 2:14 pm <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98859> by *Rick
Hasen* <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>
You can find a majority opinion by Judge Jones, concurring opinion by Judge
Higginbotham, and dissenting opinion by Judge Graves in Veasey v. Abbott at
this link. <http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/vease-opinion.pdf>
In what I consider to be a fundamentally disingenuous analysis by 5th
Circuit Judge Edith Jones, a divided 5th Circuit panel has not only held
that Texas?s replacement voter id law (enacted in response to an earlier
finding, upheld by the 5th Circuit that its original strict voter id law
violated the Voting Rights Act) is legal. It also has essentially precluded
the district court from putting Texas back under federal supervision for
its voting rules based on a finding of intentional discrimination in voting
on the basis of race. Judge Higginbotham?s concurrence makes nice noises
about the ?race or party? question I have been writing about for a long
time, but in the end he does not appear to disagree with Judge Jones?s
conclusion that the district court cannot put Texas back under preclearance
based on an earlier finding of racially discriminatory intent. (Perhaps the
plaintiffs can seek clarification on rehearing on this point, and get Judge
Higgenbotham to open this back up.)
This ruling is likely to stand, because, despite the persuasiveness of
Judge Graves?s dissent, the Fifth Circuit?s partisan balance has changed
since the last go at this case, and an en banc process is likely to be
unsuccessful, and the Supreme Court is unlikely to get involved either.
Now the details.
After many years of fighting Democrats in the state legislature,
Republicans pushed through a very strict voter id law for voting, SB 14. A
group of voting rights plaintiffs, with the support of the US DOJ, argued
that the law violated both Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act and the
Constitution. The district court found both a racially discriminatory
effect under Section 2 as well as that the law was enacted with a racially
discriminatory intent. That latter finding was important for two reasons:
(1) it allowed the court not to defer on remedies, and it could throw out
the entire law; and (2) the finding could serve as a predicate for the
court, acting under Section 3 of the VRA, to put Texas back under
preclearance for up to 10 years for some or all of the changes to its
voting rules.
After a while, the case made it to the 5th Circuit sitting en banc, where a
majority of the strongly divided court held that the trial court was right
in finding a racially discriminatory effect, and another (somewhat
overlapping) majority of the court held that the trial court relied on some
improper evidence to figure out discriminatory intent, BUT there could well
be enough permissible evidence in the record to support such a finding.
Judge Jones dissented vociferously, believing there was no evidence of
discriminatory effect or intent and she would have ended the case right
there.
The 5th circuit remanded to the trial court. The Supreme Court refused to
get involved, but Chief Justice Roberts signaled
<https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/16pdf/16-393_4425.pdf> he would like
to when the case was final.
While the case was pending, the district court implemented an order which
softened Texas?s voter id law, including allow people to sign a statement
indicating that they had a reasonable impediment to voting. Texas later
enacted a new law, SB 5, which mostly (but not perfectly) tracked the
interim remedy established by Texas, which in my view, while not perfect,
was a great improvement on the old law.
The case went back to the trial court, and after the election of President
Trump the U.S. DOJ essentially switched sides. Texas and the U.S. took the
position that the enactment of SB 5 solved all the problems and mooted the
case. The district court disagreed, and held that this did not cure either
the problem of discriminatory effect or intent. It set a hearing on the
question of putting Texas back under federal supervision. A motions panel
of the 5th Circuit stopped the trial court?s action until the appeal could
be settled.
Both Judge Jones in her majority opinion and Judge Graves in dissent agreed
the case was not moot. Only Judge Higgenbotham said that it was. On the
merits, Judge Jones said that SB 5 cured any voting rights violation, and
that the trial court found no evidence the new law was passed with
intentional discrimination. Accordingly, there would be no basis for
putting Texas back under federal preclearance. She wrote: ?Further, because
SB 5 constitutes an effective remedy for the only deficiencies testified to
in SB 14, and it essentially mirrors an agreed interim order for the same
purpose, the State has acted promptly following this court?s mandate, and
there is no equitable basis for subjecting Texas to ongoing federal
election scrutiny under Section 3(c). *See McCrory*, 831 F.3d at 241
(declining to impose relief under Section 3 of the Voting Rights Act and
noting ?[s]uch remedies ?[are] rarely used?. . . .?).?
It is here where Judge Jones was disingenuous. The trial court found,
looking at only proper evidence allowed by the 5th Circuit?s earlier
decision, that the original enactment of SB 14 was done with a racially
discriminatory purpose. As Judge Graves argues in dissent, this should have
been reviewed* for clear error* and there was no clear error. Thus, even if
Texas?s enactment of *SB5 *later on was not done with racially
discriminatory intent, SB 14 was, and *that alone* could be the basis for
the imposition of preclearance. Judge Jones just ignores all that and throw
out the right of plaintiffs in the first instance to seek Section 3 relief
before the district court.
And Judge Higgenbotham in his concurrence seems to go along. He argues the
whole case is moot, which my last paragraph shows it is definitely not on
the precelarance question. The rest of his opinion notes the race or party
problem (?The difficulty lies in disentangling partisan advantage and
racial purpose when a party controls the legislature and racial minorities
are heavily invested in the opposite party.?) He then goes on to suggest,
that passing election laws on pure partisan grounds could well raise a
constitutional problem under strict scrutiny. (?Where, as here, the state
cannot show that its hurried pursuit of a so recently arrived fear of voter
fraud exists beyond the fantasy of political spin, its efforts can only be
described in terms of race or the pursuit of political advantage. Either
way, strict scrutiny is triggered?when the answer to the charge of racial
purpose is a claim that the true purpose was partisan advantage, the state
action fails for want of a legitimate purpose. This, because we have not a
dilution but an *outright denial *of the right to vote.?) There?s a lot to
like here, and Judge Higgenbotham cites my Harvard Law Review Forum piece
<https://harvardlawreview.org/2014/01/race-or-party-how-courts-should-think-about-republican-efforts-to-make-it-harder-to-vote-in-north-carolina-and-elsewhere/>
making
this point. But that doesn?t excuse what he?s done here.
Judge Graves makes excellent points in his lengthy dissent. But if this
case goes en banc, it is a tough road ahead. Remember that not only has
Judge Costa left (picked off by Trump as an ambassador for potentially
political reasons), there are now three deeply conservative judges now on
that court (Ho, Willettt and now Duncan). It is a tough road indeed there,
and at the Supreme Court. CJ Roberts was eager to get involved to help
Texas. He?s likely not going to be eager to help voting rights plaintiffs.
[This post has been updated.]
[image: Share]
<https://www.addtoany.com/share#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D98859&title=Breaking%20and%20Analysis%3A%20Divided%205th%20Circuit%20Rejects%20Latest%20Challenge%20to%20Texas%E2%80%99s%20Voter%20ID%20Law%2C%20But%20Prospect%20for%20Further%20Litigation%20Remains>
Posted in The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, voter id
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>, Voting Rights Act
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>
--
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org
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Message: 5
Date: Sat, 28 Apr 2018 16:33:52 +0000
From: Rick Hasen <rhasen at law.uci.edu>
To: Election Law Listserv <law-election at uci.edu>
Subject: [EL] ELB News and Commentary 4/28/18
Message-ID: <4D097650-F2C3-4891-83CA-8C07CDBDBAB8 at ad.uci.edu>
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"
?Oppo researcher leaves the White House; Michael Roman, a former Koch operative, served as the right-hand man to the White House?s top attorney.?<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98880>
Posted on April 28, 2018 9:31 am<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98880> by Rick Hasen<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>
Politico reports.<https://www.politico.com/story/2018/04/28/michael-roman-leaves-white-house-oppo-559165>
[Share]<https://www.addtoany.com/share#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D98880&title=%E2%80%9COppo%20researcher%20leaves%20the%20White%20House%3B%20Michael%20Roman%2C%20a%20former%20Koch%20operative%2C%20served%20as%20the%20right-hand%20man%20to%20the%20White%20House%E2%80%99s%20top%20attorney.%E2%80%9D>
Posted in chicanery<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12>
Indiana: ?Rokita, Messer deny wrongdoing in possible straw donor scheme?<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98878>
Posted on April 27, 2018 8:12 pm<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98878> by Rick Hasen<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>
IndyStar:<https://www.indystar.com/story/news/politics/2018/04/27/rokita-messer-deny-wrongdoing-possible-straw-donor-scheme/551177002/>
Three Indiana members of Congress gave and received money from Ohio Rep. Jim Renacci in what experts said may have been an improper straw donor scheme ? including two Indiana congressmen running for the U.S. Senate.
The Senate candidates, Reps. Todd Rokita and Luke Messer, denied any wrongdoing. Rep. Jackie Walorski?s campaign did not respond to multiple phone calls and emails seeking comment.
The Cincinnati Enquirer reported<https://www.indystar.com/story/news/politics/2018/04/05/critics-say-rep-jim-renacci-may-have-used-straw-donor-scheme-fund-state-campaign-account/491033002/> that Messer and Walorski received contributions from Renacci?s congressional campaign between April and June last year. Although he was not named in that story, Rokita also received campaign contributions from Renacci.
Within two months of receiving a donation, all three then contributed money to Renacci?s gubernatorial campaign. In Messer?s case, the contribution occurred just one day after his campaign received a donation from Renacci.
[Share]<https://www.addtoany.com/share#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D98878&title=Indiana%3A%20%E2%80%9CRokita%2C%20Messer%20deny%20wrongdoing%20in%20possible%20straw%20donor%20scheme%E2%80%9D>
Posted in campaign finance<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>, chicanery<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12>
?Texas? Voter ID Law Does Not Discriminate and Can Stand, Appeals Panel Rules?<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98876>
Posted on April 27, 2018 8:00 pm<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98876> by Rick Hasen<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>
Manny Fernandez<https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/27/us/texas-voter-id.html> reports for the NY Times.
[Share]<https://www.addtoany.com/share#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D98876&title=%E2%80%9CTexas%E2%80%99%20Voter%20ID%20Law%20Does%20Not%20Discriminate%20and%20Can%20Stand%2C%20Appeals%20Panel%20Rules%E2%80%9D>
Posted in The Voting Wars<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, voter id<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>, Voting Rights Act<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>
5th Circuit ID ruling ? and the Texas redistricting case.<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98873>
Posted on April 27, 2018 5:02 pm<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98873> by Justin Levitt<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=4>
Earlier today<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98859>, Rick noted the 5th Circuit?s opinion<http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/vease-opinion.pdf> on Texas?s voter ID law. I agree with much of his critique of the court?s resolution of the section 3(c) preclearance issue.
In my post on the Texas redistricting cases<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=98793> earlier this week, I highlighted one reason why Judge Jones? analysis of the section 3 issue is dangerous: it takes any teeth out of plaintiffs? abilities to confront intentional discrimination when a jurisdiction can reap the benefits of the discriminatory law while fighting and delaying resolution. Under Judge Jones? structure, there?s little incentive not to discriminate, as long as the officials implementing the law calculate that they?ll be marginally better off in the interim between passage of the law and the imposition of an eventual remedy. And under this structure, section 3 becomes completely impotent. We?re back to whac-a-mole.
Particularly in light of the 5th Circuit?s decision, it seems like an opportune time to plug Josh Douglas?s and Michael Solimine?s excellent (and now exceedingly timely) article<https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3099771> on three-judge courts? interaction with circuit decisions. Depending on what happens at SCOTUS with the Texas redistricting case argued earlier this week, the three-judge Texas redistricting court may well find that it is asked to confront Judge Jones? opinion about the impact of a later-enacted law. And then the three-judge court is going to have to decide exactly how much attention to pay to that 5th Circuit opinion, which is exactly the issue that Josh and Michael lay out in interesting detail.
[Share]<https://www.addtoany.com/share#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D98873&title=5th%20Circuit%20ID%20ruling%20%E2%80%A6%20and%20the%20Texas%20redistricting%20case.>
Posted in election administration<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, election law and constitutional law<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=55>, redistricting<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=6>, voter id<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>, Voting Rights Act<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>
--
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
rhasen at law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen at law.uci.edu>
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org<http://electionlawblog.org/>
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