election-law_gl-digest Monday, June 25 2001 Volume 01 : Number 031
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Date: Mon, 25 Jun 2001 07:19:45 -0700
From: "Rick Hasen" <Rick.Hasen@lls.edu>
Subject: decision in Colorado Republican
CNN is reporting that the Supreme Court upheld spending
limits in Colorado Republican. I have no further details
yet.
- --
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
------------------------------
Date: Mon, 25 Jun 2001 07:33:43 -0700
From: "Rick Hasen" <Rick.Hasen@lls.edu>
Subject: Party Spending Limits Upheld by Supreme Court
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Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
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Monday, June 25, 2001
| <a href=3D"/cgi-bin/print.cgi"><img align=3Dabsmiddle src=3D"/images/p=
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<p><span CLASS=3D"cHeadline1"><b>
Party Spending Limits Upheld by Supreme Court <br>
</b></span>
<!-- end main headline -->
=
<!-- start author & byline -->
<p><span CLASS=3D"cauthor">
Reuters<br>
<br>
</span>
<p>
<!-- end author & byline -->
<!--STORY BEGINS-->
<p><span class=3D"cLocation">
<!-- dateline --></span>
<span class=3D"contentFirst">
<br>     WASHINGTON<wbr>--<wbr>A divided U.=
S. Supreme Court upheld on Monday a 26-year-old limit on how much politi=
cal parties may spend to support congressional candidates, an important =
ruling affecting federal election law.
<br>      The high court ruled by a 5-4 vote to =
uphold the
Watergate-era measure, which limits how much may be spent in coordinatio=
n with candidates for Congress, saying a party's expenditures may be res=
tricted to minimize circumvention of contribution limits.
<br>      The justices overturned a U.S. appeals=
court ruling that a political party has a constitutional free-speech ri=
ght to make unlimited campaign expenditures in coordination with its ca=
ndidates for Congress.
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Date: Mon, 25 Jun 2001 10:56:01 -0700
From: "Rick Hasen" <Rick.Hasen@lls.edu>
Subject: some thoughts on Colorado Republican II
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Having looked over the Court's 5-4 decision for a little time this
morning, I have the following initial observations:
1. The case is very good news for the constitutionality of the soft
money ban in McCain-Feingold. Soft money is not discussed in the
majority opinion by Justice Souter (and referred to only obliquely by
Justice Thomas in dissent as "underground" money). The core of the
opinion, however, is the Court's strong endorsement of the view that
political parties may serve as conduits for corruption. Thus, the Court
upheld the limit on coordinated party expenditures of hard money in the
case by accepting what it termed the "circumvention" theory: large
donors give to the parties rather than the candidates once they have
maxed out their contributions to the candidates---often at the behest of
the candidates and or at least with the candidates' knowledge--- thereby
raising the problem of corruption. The Court spent a great deal of time
describing how the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee would
(according to the Court's view, though disputed by J. Thomas) "tally"
contributions made to benefit particular candidates and direct spending
toward that candidate with the candidate's knowledge. The party thus
serves as an agent for influence. The Court further pointed out that
many contributors gave to both parties or competing candidates,
suggesting that they must be doing this to gain undue influence. (Slip
op at 17: "[W]hether they like it or not, [parties] act as agents for
spending on behalf of those who seek to produce obligated
officeholders.") I can easily see this same kind of analysis applied to
uphold a ban on soft money contributions --- where the allegation is
often made that such contributions are being made to buy access to
elected officials in the party.
2. Parties are not entitled to special constitutional protection in the
campaign finance arena. The Court rejected the Colorado Republican
Party's argument that parties, because of the unique role they play in
supporting candidates for office, should be entitled to special
protection. This argument took the form of the party asking for a
"higher" level of scrutiny to apply to campaign finance laws targeting
parties. The Court noted that while parties do play a special role in
elections, this enhanced role appeared to create special problems of
corruption because candidates are so dependent on parties and parties
are so effective in getting out their messages on behalf of candidates.
These facts combine to make parties attractive targets for PACs and
others seeking to gain influence. This reasoning further supports the
view that the Court likely would uphold a soft money ban---where the
amounts of money involved are usually many magnitudes higher than the
hard money limits at issue in this case.
3. The 3-3-3 split on the future of Buckley appears to hold, despite
this case. As I have explained elsewhere, the Court appears to be split
into three factions of three Justices regarding the future of Buckley v.
Valeo. Three justices---Breyer, Ginsburg, and Stevens---are on record
supporting greater leeway for legislatures to enact campaign finance
regulations. Three justices---Kennedy, Scalia, and Thomas---are on
record that Buckley should be overruled so as to make most, if not all,
contribution and expenditure limits unconstitutional. That leaves the
three Justices in the middle---O'Connor, Souter, and Chief Justice
Rehnquist---as voting to continue the Buckley status quo. Souter wrote
the majority opinion here, which O'Connor (along with Breyer, Ginsburg
and Stevens) joined. It is an opinion that clings to Buckley's
distinction between contribution limits (generally constitutional) and
expenditure limits (generally unconstitutional). Rehnquist signed on
only to Part II of Justice Thomas's dissent, which argued that even
under the Buckley framework, parties should be allowed to coordinate
their spending with candidates. Rehnquist did NOT sign on to Part I,
which reiterated Thomas's call for Buckley to be overruled. Thus, the
three justices in the middle show no signs of deviating from Buckley,
keeping the stalemate on the Court continuing until some Justice changes
his or her mind or Court personnel changes. The majority in a footnote
drops a hint--but only a hint-- that it might reconsider in a future
case the validity of expenditure limitations in light of Prof. Blasi's
article claiming that such limits might be justified to preserve the
time that elected officials must spend engaged in fundraising.
4. The perverse nature of the ruling. The split described above means
that the Court is sticking with its contribution/expenditure dichotomy
of Buckley. This creates a perverse and perhaps unintended consequence
of driving a wedge between parties and their candidates. For with
Colorado Republican I (the 1996 case) upholding the right of parties to
spend unlimited sums independent of candidates and today's case limiting
any coordination, parties will have an incentive not to coordinate their
messages with candidates, but to raise money and spend it separately. I
have strong doubts as to whether this is good policy, and even stronger
doubts as to whether this is workable. Candidates and parties will
simply hire the same advertising agencies (as they already do), and the
messages will coordinate themselves.
Rick
- --
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
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Having looked over the Court's 5-4 decision for a little time this morning,
I have the following initial observations:
<br>
<p><b>1. The case is very good news for the constitutionality of the soft
money ban in McCain-Feingold. </b> Soft money is not discussed in
the majority opinion by Justice Souter (and referred to only obliquely
by Justice Thomas in dissent as "underground" money). The core of
the opinion, however, is the Court's strong endorsement of the view that
political parties may serve as conduits for corruption. Thus, the Court
upheld the limit on coordinated party expenditures of hard money in the
case by accepting what it termed the "circumvention" theory: large donors
give to the parties rather than the candidates once they have maxed out
their contributions to the candidates---often at the behest of the candidates
and or at least with the candidates' knowledge--- thereby raising the problem
of corruption. The Court spent a great deal of time describing how the
Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee would (according to the Court's
view, though disputed by J. Thomas) "tally" contributions made to benefit
particular candidates and direct spending toward that candidate with the
candidate's knowledge. The party thus serves as an agent for influence.
The Court further pointed out that many contributors gave to both parties
or competing candidates, suggesting that they must be doing this to gain
undue influence. (Slip op at 17: "[W]hether they like it or not, [parties]
act as agents for spending on behalf of those who seek to produce obligated
officeholders.") I can easily see this same kind of analysis applied
to uphold a ban on soft money contributions --- where the allegation is
often made that such contributions are being made to buy access to elected
officials in the party.
<p><b>2. Parties are not entitled to special constitutional protection
in the campaign finance arena.</b> The Court rejected the Colorado Republican
Party's argument that parties, because of the unique role they play in
supporting candidates for office, should be entitled to special protection.
This argument took the form of the party asking for a "higher" level of
scrutiny to apply to campaign finance laws targeting parties. The
Court noted that while parties do play a special role in elections, this
enhanced role appeared to create special problems of corruption because
candidates are so dependent on parties and parties are so effective in
getting out their messages on behalf of candidates. These facts combine
to make parties attractive targets for PACs and others seeking to gain
influence. This reasoning further supports the view that the Court
likely would uphold a soft money ban---where the amounts of money involved
are usually many magnitudes higher than the hard money limits at issue
in this case.
<p><b>3. The 3-3-3 split on the future of Buckley appears to hold, despite
this case.</b> As I have explained elsewhere, the Court appears to
be split into three factions of three Justices regarding the future of
Buckley v. Valeo. Three justices---Breyer, Ginsburg, and Stevens---are
on record supporting greater leeway for legislatures to enact campaign
finance regulations. Three justices---Kennedy, Scalia, and Thomas---are
on record that Buckley should be overruled so as to make most, if not all,
contribution and expenditure limits unconstitutional. That leaves
the three Justices in the middle---O'Connor, Souter, and Chief Justice
Rehnquist---as voting to continue the Buckley status quo. Souter
wrote the majority opinion here, which O'Connor (along with Breyer, Ginsburg
and Stevens) joined. It is an opinion that clings to Buckley's distinction
between contribution limits (generally constitutional) and expenditure
limits (generally unconstitutional). Rehnquist signed on only to Part II
of Justice Thomas's dissent, which argued that even under the Buckley framework,
parties should be allowed to coordinate their spending with candidates.
Rehnquist did NOT sign on to Part I, which reiterated Thomas's call for
Buckley to be overruled. Thus, the three justices in the middle show no
signs of deviating from Buckley, keeping the stalemate on the Court continuing
until some Justice changes his or her mind or Court personnel changes.
The majority in a footnote drops a hint--but only a hint-- that it might
reconsider in a future case the validity of expenditure limitations in
light of Prof. Blasi's article claiming that such limits might be justified
to preserve the time that elected officials must spend engaged in fundraising.
<p><b>4. The perverse nature of the ruling.</b> The split described
above means that the Court is sticking with its contribution/expenditure
dichotomy of Buckley. This creates a perverse and perhaps unintended consequence
of driving a wedge between parties and their candidates. For with
Colorado Republican I (the 1996 case) upholding the right of parties to
spend unlimited sums independent of candidates and today's case limiting
any coordination, parties will have an incentive not to coordinate their
messages with candidates, but to raise money and spend it separately. I
have strong doubts as to whether this is good policy, and even stronger
doubts as to whether this is workable. Candidates and parties will simply
hire the same advertising agencies (as they already do), and the messages
will coordinate themselves.
<br>
<p>Rick
<br>--
<br>Rick Hasen
<br>Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
<br>Loyola Law School
<br>919 South Albany Street
<br>Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
<br>(213)736-1466 - voice
<br>(213)380-3769 - fax
<br>rick.hasen@lls.edu
<br> </html>
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Date: Mon, 25 Jun 2001 19:38:46 EDT
From: Holman@aol.com
Subject: Re: some thoughts on Colorado Republican II
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Rick:
Yours was a very useful analysis of today's decision. It is also worth=20
highlighting that the amicus brief on behalf of 14 political scientists=20
defending the aspect of the FECA's regulations on the political parties=20
played prominently in the majority decision--and was scorned in the minority=
=20
opinion. In the dissent of Justice Thomas, the court did not give due weight=
=20
to the district court's factual record and "instead relies wholly on the=20
=E2=80=98observations' of =E2=80=98political scientists' who happen to have=20=
written an=20
amicus brief in support of the petitioner."
Craig Holman
Brennan Center for Justice
New York University
(and who happens to be a political scientist)
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<HTML><FONT FACE=3Darial,helvetica><FONT SIZE=3D2>Rick:
<BR>
<BR>Yours was a very useful analysis of today's decision. It is also worth=20
<BR>highlighting that the amicus brief on behalf of 14 political scientists=20
<BR>defending the aspect of the FECA's regulations on the political parties=20
<BR>played prominently in the majority decision--and was scorned in the mino=
rity=20
<BR>opinion. In the dissent of Justice Thomas, the court did not give due we=
ight=20
<BR>to the district court's factual record and "instead relies wholly on the=
=20
<BR>=E2=80=98observations' of =E2=80=98political scientists' who happen to h=
ave written an=20
<BR>amicus brief in support of the petitioner."
<BR>
<BR>Craig Holman
<BR>Brennan Center for Justice
<BR>New York University
<BR>(and who happens to be a political scientist)
<BR></FONT></HTML>
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Date: Mon, 25 Jun 2001 17:03:08 -0700
From: "Lowenstein, Daniel" <lowenste@mail.law.ucla.edu>
Subject: Summertime, and the list is easy
This message is in MIME format. Since your mail reader does not understand
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I will be out of town beginning tomorrow, and essentially until
August 5. Rick will be out of town from July 3-8 and from July 28-August 7.
If any individual or general problems with the list should arise during the
periods we both are gone, please be patient. Also, if you know of anyone
who is trying to subscribe to the list, please let them know the situation.
Thanks, and I hope you all are having a good summer.
Best,
Daniel H. Lowenstein
UCLA Law School
310-825-5148
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<TITLE>Summertime, and the list is easy</TITLE>
</HEAD>
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<P> <FONT SIZE=3D2 =
FACE=3D"Arial">I will be out of town beginning tomorrow, and =
essentially until August 5. Rick will be out of town from July =
3-8 and from July 28-August 7. If any individual or general =
problems with the list should arise during the periods we both are =
gone, please be patient. Also, if you know of anyone who is =
trying to subscribe to the list, please let them know the =
situation. Thanks, and I hope you all are having a good =
summer.</FONT></P>
<P> <FONT SIZE=3D2 =
FACE=3D"Tahoma">Best,</FONT>
</P>
<P> <FONT SIZE=3D2 =
FACE=3D"Tahoma">Daniel H. Lowenstein</FONT>
<BR> <FONT SIZE=3D2 =
FACE=3D"Tahoma">UCLA Law School</FONT>
<BR> <FONT SIZE=3D2 =
FACE=3D"Tahoma">310-825-5148</FONT>
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