election-law_gl-digest Monday, September 10 2001 Volume 01 : Number 067
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Date: Mon, 10 Sep 2001 15:13:23 -0700
From: Rick Hasen <rick.hasen@lls.edu>
Subject: The =?iso-8859-1?Q?=91Accidental=20President=92?=
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The following are excerpts from a new book that is supposed to reveal
the "inside story" on the Supreme Court's deliberations in Bush v. Gore.
Rick
http://www.msnbc.com/news/626045.asp
- --
Professor Rick Hasen
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-0019
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
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MES NEW ROMAN, GEORGIA, TIMES" COLOR=3D"#CC0000">The ‘Accidental Pr=
esident’</FONT></TD></TR><TR><TD COLSPAN=3D3 WIDTH=3D472 HEIGHT=3D5=
</TD></TR><TR><TD COLSPAN=3D3 WIDTH=3D472 VALIGN=3DTOP ALIGN=3DLEFT><B>=
<FONT SIZE=3D3 FACE=3D"ARIAL, TREBUCHET, HELVETICA" COLOR=3D"#000000">Exc=
lusive excerpt: The vote in <I>Bush v. Gore</I> was arrived at in secret =
conference. But this one determined who would be president. We didn’=
;t know just how close it was—until now. NEWSWEEK’s David A. =
Kaplan goes behind the scenes</B></FONT></TD></TR><TR><TD COLSPAN=3D3 WID=
TH=3D472 HEIGHT=3D5> </TD></TR><TR><TD COLSPAN=3D3 WIDTH=3D472 VALIGN=3DT=
OP ALIGN=3DRIGHT><FONT SIZE=3D3 FACE=3D"TIMES NEW ROMAN, GEORGIA, TIMES" =
COLOR=3D"#CC0000"><BR><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial, Trebuchet MS, Helveti=
ca" COLOR=3D"#000000">NEWSWEEK</FONT></TD></TR>
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<TR><TD COLSPAN=3D3 HEIGHT=3D5> </TD> </TR><TR><TD COLSPAN=3D3 WIDTH=3D4=
72 VALIGN=3DTOP ALIGN=3DLEFT><FONT SIZE=3D4 FACE=3D"TIMES NEW ROMAN, GEOR=
GIA, TIMES" COLOR=3D"#000000">Sept. 17 issue — </FONT><FONT SIZE=3D=
5 FACE=3D"TIMES NEW ROMAN, GEORGIA, TIMES" COLOR=3D"#000000">As both camp=
aigns and the entire country awaited the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in <I>=
Bush v. Gore,</I> the vice president couldn’t sit still. The vote w=
ould decide who’d win Election 2000. The process kept starting and =
stopping. Now, Gore needed to vent his emotions, with whatever degree of =
optimism he could muster.</font></TD></TR>
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TH=3D34> </TD><TD WIDTH=3D136> </TD><TD WIDTH=3D23> </TD><TD WIDTH=
=3D361 ALIGN=3Dleft VALIGN=3Dtop> <FONT SIZE=3D3 FACE=3D"TIMES NEW ROMAN,=
GEORGIA, TIMES" color=3D"#000000"> SO ON TUESDAY AFTERNOON, December 12,=
Gore decided to write an Op-Ed for The New York Times, on the assumption=
the Court would rule in his favor. “As I write this,” the pi=
ece began, “I do not know what the Supreme Court will decide.”=
; Gore repeated the themes of the five-week post-election struggle: count=
all the votes “so that the will of the people” was honored; =
work “for the agenda that Senator [Joe] Lieberman and I put forward=
in the campaign,” which “50 million Americans” support=
ed; and appreciate that history and the “integrity” of the na=
tional government demanded he fight on after Election Day.</FONT>
</TD>
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<TR><TD ALIGN=3Dright WIDTH=3D34 VALIGN=3Dtop></TD><TD WIDTH=3D136 VA=
LIGN=3Dtop ALIGN=3Dleft><FONT FACE=3D"Times New Roman, Georgia, Times" SI=
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Gore acknowledged that “no single insti=
tution had been capable of solving” the electoral standoff and that=
this resulted in “continued uncertainty.” But the greater go=
od, he contended, was being served. Invoking Lincoln and Jefferson, he mu=
sed on the “consent of the governed” and the “wellsprin=
g of democracy.” Jefferson had “justified revolution” b=
ecause the people of the colonies had not given their consent. How could =
the U.S. Supreme Court justices “claim for themselves” the ri=
ght to determine the presidency? It was up to the people. He concluded by=
quoting Lincoln’s First Inaugural, delivered a month before Fort S=
umter: “Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimat=
e justice of the people?”<BR>
It was only a draft, and Gore might’ve =
toned it down before publication, given its intimations of revolution and=
allusions to the Civil War. But it was strongly worded, all the more so =
as the justices had <I>Bush v. Gore</I> in front of them. The vice presid=
ent phoned Walter Dellinger, a former solicitor general under Bill Clinto=
n, for counsel. “I’ve spent the last few hours writing an Op-=
Ed for tomorrow’s Times,” Gore told him. “I want your j=
udgment on whether I ought to run this or not.”<BR>
Dellinger liked it, suggested some changes th=
at Gore punched into his laptop, and they were done. Gore said he would s=
end it to Bill Daley, the campaign chairman, for one last look. “Is=
there anything else I need to think about?” he asked Dellinger.</F=
ONT>
</TD>
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<td colspan=3D"3" style=3D"padding:5px;"><font size=3D"2" face=3D"arial" =
color=3D"ffffcc"><b>NEWSWEEK Sept. 17 Issue</b></font>
</td>
<td><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td bgcolor=3D"000099" height=3D"5"><img src=3D"http://a799.ms.akamai.net=
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<td bgcolor=3D"ffffcc" width=3D"100%"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" =
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<td bgcolor=3D"000099" height=3D"5"><img src=3D"http://a799.ms.akamai.net=
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<td colspan=3D"2"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
<td colspan=3D"2" valign=3D"top"><font size=3D"2" face=3D"arial" color=3D=
"black"><b>On the cover: We knew Bush v. Gore was close; we just didn't k=
now how close--until now. In an exclusive excerpt, go inside the secret S=
upreme Court deliberations that made George W. Bush president. Plus: Al G=
ore's Erin Brockovich strategy.</b></font>
</td>
<td colspan=3D"2"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
</tr>
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<td class=3D"ybBulRed">•</td>
<td>
<a class=3D"yblnk" href=3D"/news/626039.asp">
Unsettled Scores
</a>
</td>
</tr>
<tr class=3D"ybLnkRow">
<td class=3D"ybBulRed">•</td>
<td>
<a class=3D"yblnk" href=3D"/news/626045.asp">
The 'Accidental President'
</a>
</td>
</tr>
<tr class=3D"ybLnkRow">
<td class=3D"ybBulRed">•</td>
<td>
<a class=3D"yblnk" href=3D"/news/626047.asp">
A Bush Feeler
</a>
</td>
</tr>
<tr class=3D"ybLnkRow">
<td class=3D"ybBulRed">•</td>
<td>
<a class=3D"yblnk" href=3D"/news/626049.asp">
Gore's Secret Plan
</a>
</td>
</tr>
<tr class=3D"ybLnkRow">
<td class=3D"ybBulRed">•</td>
<td>
<a class=3D"yblnk" href=3D"/news/626008.asp">
How History Will View the Court
</a>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
</td>
<td colspan=3D"2"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
</tr>
<tr bgcolor=3D"ffffcc"><td colspan=3D"6" height=3D"7"><spacer type=3D"blo=
ck" width=3D"1" /></td></tr>
<tr>
<td bgcolor=3D"3366CC" height=3D"5"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" />=
</td>
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</tr>
<tr bgcolor=3D"3366CC"><td height=3D"5" colspan=3D"6"><spacer type=3D"blo=
ck" width=3D"1" /></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan=3D"6"><font face=3D"arial" size=3D"1" id=3D"ysrc">Newswee=
k</font></td></tr>
</table><a name=3D"" >
“As a lawyer, I wouldn’t write an=
Op-Ed on a case I’d argued that was pending. But, then, you’=
re not the lawyer. You’re the client, so there’s no rule abou=
t keeping silent.” Dellinger then added, “But still, you shou=
ld be thinking about whether running this would provoke the Court.”=
After all, it was Gore who’d told aides after the recounts were ha=
lted over the weekend that no one in the campaign should “trash=
48; the Court. Might this Op-Ed be regarded as the velvet-gloved equivale=
nt?<BR>
“O.K., let me think about it.”<BR=
Gore paused for only seconds, then made up hi=
s mind. He chuckled. Said the vice president of the United States about t=
he Supreme Court: “——’em.”</FONT>
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<A NAME=3D"survey"></A><!--LV 3.0, Author: Brenden West -=
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The few people in Goreworld who heard about h=
is remark had the identical reaction: if he had only shown that kind of a=
nimation during the campaign, he wouldn’t have been in the position=
of having to make the remark.<BR>
The Op-Ed never ran. Before the Times closed =
the piece, it became moot. At 10 p.m. on December 12, the U.S. Supreme Co=
urt issued its ruling that made George W. Bush the president-elect.<BR>
That wrenching decision pitted the Court=
6;s five conservatives against its four liberals, producing vitriolic opi=
nions not seen in a generation, in a case many thought the Court should n=
ot have taken in the first place because state elections weren’t fe=
deral judicial matters. Yet within weeks of <I>Bush v. Gore, </I>many of =
the justices gave speeches trying to defuse the controversy. All was well=
at the High Court, they said; everybody had moved on. Given the public r=
ecord, that seemed plausible. And because the Court’s “confer=
ence”—where the Supremes, without clerks or anyone else, deba=
te cases and render their votes—is ultra-secret, it’s hard to=
pierce the judicial veil.<BR>
<BR>
But behind the scenes, in remarkable post-dec=
ision moments previously unreported, the justices were stewing. In partic=
ular, the dissenters—Justices Stephen Breyer, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, =
David Souter and John Paul Stevens—couldn’t believe what thei=
r conservative brethren had wrought. How could the conservative Court maj=
ority decide to step into a presidential election, all the more so using =
the doctrinal excuse of “equal protection”? Equal protection?=
That’s the constitutional rationale the liberals had used for a ge=
neration to expand rights, and the conservatives despised it. But now the=
conservatives were embracing the doctrine, claiming that different recou=
nt standards in Florida counties amounted to unequal protection? The whol=
e thing smelled bad.<BR>
When the justices’ counterparts on the =
Russian Constitutional Court came to town for a private gathering, the Am=
erican justices let slip the recriminations. Those scenes shed light on w=
hat transpired inside the High Court as the justices determined who’=
;d be the next president—and on the raw emotional fallout from the =
fateful decision.<BR>
Given the hard feelings, the amazing aspect o=
f <I>Bush v. Gore</I> is that it just might’ve gone the other way. =
Justice Anthony Kennedy—the key swing vote, the man the Court’=
;s law clerks once dubbed “Flipper” for his equivocations=
51;had wavered, enough that Souter thought until the very end that he=
46;d get him. If Kennedy could be flipped, the 5-to-4 ruling for Bush wou=
ld become a 5-to-4 win for Gore. They’d find an equal-protection vi=
olation, send the case back to the Florida justices to fix standards and =
administer the best recount they could under the circumstances and before=
December 18, and then leave it to the political branches—the Flori=
da Legislature and, if need be, the U.S. Congress—to settle for goo=
d. (The political composition of Congress and the Legislature suggests Bu=
sh probably would’ve won in the end anyway.) But the High Court=
46;s decision short-circuited the process. The vote was close. But we nev=
er knew—until now—just how close.</FONT>
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A month after the decision, Souter met at the=
Court with a group of prep-school students from Choate. Souter was put o=
n the Court in 1990 by Bush’s father, advertised as a “home r=
un” for such constitutional crusades as overturning <I>Roe v. Wade.=
</I> Instead, Souter turned out to be a non-doctrinaire New Englander who=
typically sided with the liberal justices. It didn’t make him a li=
beral—this was a passionately modest man in matters of law as well =
as life—as much as it reflected how far the rest of the Court had y=
awed starboard. Souter told the Choate students how frustrated he was tha=
t he couldn’t broker a deal to bring in one more justice—Kenn=
edy being the obvious candidate. Souter explained that he had put togethe=
r a coalition back in 1992, in <I>Planned Parenthood v. Casey, </I>the la=
ndmark abortion case in which the Court declined by a 5-to-4 vote to toss=
out Roe ; Souter, along with Kennedy and Justice Sandra Day O’Conn=
or, took the unusual gesture of writing a joint opinion for the majority =
in that case.<BR>
If he’d had “one more day—o=
ne more day,” Souter now told the Choate students, he believed he w=
ould have prevailed. Chief Justice William Rehnquist, along with Justices=
Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas, had long ago become part of the Dark=
Side. O’Connor appeared beyond compromise. But Kennedy seemed with=
in reach. Just give me 24 more hours on the clock, Souter thought. While =
a political resolution to the election—in the Florida Legislature o=
r in the Congress—might not be quick and might be a brawl, Souter a=
rgued that the nation would still accept it. “It should be a politi=
cal branch that issues political decisions,” he said to the student=
s. Kennedy, though, wouldn’t flip. He thought the trauma of more re=
counts, more fighting—more politics —was too much for the cou=
ntry to endure. (Souter and Kennedy, as well as the other justices, decli=
ned to be interviewed on the record.)<BR>
Mild-mannered by nature, Kennedy had a grandi=
ose view of his role. In a memorable profile of the justice in California=
Lawyer magazine back in 1992, Kennedy had agreed to let the writer into =
chambers just before going into the courtroom to announce a major ruling.=
“Sometimes you don’t know if you’re Caesar about to cr=
oss the Rubicon or Captain Queeg cutting your own towline,” Kennedy=
ruminated to his listener. Then the justice self-consciously asked for s=
olitude. “I need to brood,” Kennedy said. “I generally =
brood, as all of us do on the bench, just before we go on.” The dif=
ference was that most of them didn’t do it on cue.<!--- Stand-alone=
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en G. Breyer</b> <br><b>Date of Birth:</b> August 15, 1938<br><b>Achievem=
ents:</b> U.S. Court of Appeals, First Circuit, 1981-1994<br><b>Appointed=
to the court:</b> Nominated by President Clinton, he took his seat as As=
sociate Justice on August 3, 1994. <br><b>Voting Record:</b> The Court's =
newest Justice is comfortably part of the Court's liberal wing but is bet=
ter described as a pragmatist than an activist.<p></font><br>";
supremecourt[1]=3D"<font size=3D2 face=3Dhelvetica,geneva><b>Name: Ruth =
Bader Ginsburg</b> <br><b>Date of Birth:</b> March 15, 1933.<br><b>Achiev=
ements:</b> General counsel, American Civil Liberties Union, 1973-1980. U=
=2ES. Court of Appeals, District of Columbia Circuit, 1980-1993. <br><b>A=
ppointed to the court:</b> Nominated by President Clinton, she took her s=
eat as Associate Justice on August 10, 1993.<br><b>Voting Record:</b> A f=
ormer General Counsel of the ACLU, Ginsburg is one of the Court's most co=
nsistent liberals and has established herself as a champion of women's an=
d minority rights.<p></font><br>";
supremecourt[2]=3D"<font size=3D2 face=3Dhelvetica,geneva><b>Name: Antho=
ny M. Kennedy</b> <br><b>Date of Birth:</b> July 23, 1936<br><b>Achieveme=
nts:</b> United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, 1975-1988.=
<br><b>Appointed to the court:</b> Appointed by President Reagan, he too=
k his seat as Associate Justice on February 18, 1988. <br><b>Voting Recor=
d:</b> An unpredictable centrist who has shown discomfort in both directi=
ons on divisive issues like abortion, Kennedy is often the decisive vote =
in contentious decisions.<p></font><br>";
supremecourt[3]=3D"<font size=3D2 face=3Dhelvetica,geneva><b>Name: Sandr=
a Day O=92Connor</b> <br><b>Date of Birth:</b> March 26, 1930<br><b>Achie=
vements:</b> Appointed Arizona State Senator, 1969. Subsequently reelecte=
d to two two-year terms. Judge, Maricopa County Superior Court, 1975-1979=
=2E Arizona Court of Appeals, 1979-1981. <br><b>Appointed to the court:</=
b> Nominated by President Reagan, she took her seat as Associate Justice =
on September 25, 1981.<br><b>Voting Record:</b> As Ronald Reagan's first =
appointee, O'Connor was supposed to be a reliable member of a conservativ=
e voting block. But she has grounded herself firmly in the Rehnquist Cour=
t's center, helping to affirm abortion rights while defending states' rig=
hts.<p></font><br>";
supremecourt[4]=3D"<font size=3D2 face=3Dhelvetica,geneva><b>Name: Willi=
am H. Rehnquist</b> <br><b>Date of Birth:</b> October 1, 1924<br><b>Achie=
vements:</b> Law clerk for Justice Robert H. Jackson, U.S. Supreme Court,=
1951 and 1952 terms. Private practice, Phoenix, 1953-1969. Asst. Attorne=
y General, Office of Legal Counsel, 1969-1971. <br><b>Appointed to the c=
ourt:</b> Nominated by President Nixon, he took his seat as Associate Jus=
tice on January 7, 1972. Nominated by President Reagan as Chief Justice, =
assumed that office on September 26, 1986. <br><b>Voting Record:</b> Alth=
ough a staunch conservative who has racked up an impressive record of dec=
isions against federalism, Rehnquist has been less activist than some ima=
gined and promoted Court authority as strongly as conservative causes.<p>=
</font><br>";
supremecourt[5]=3D"<font size=3D2 face=3Dhelvetica,geneva><b>Name: Anton=
in Scalia</b> <br><b>Date of Birth:</b> March 11, 1936<br><b>Achievement=
s:</b> General Counsel, Office of Telecommunications Policy, 1971-1972 Ch=
airman of the Administrative Conference of the United States, 1972-1974 A=
sst. Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel, 1974-1977. U. S. Court of=
Appeals, District of Columbia Circuit, 1982-1986. <br><b>Appointed to th=
e court:</b> Appointed by President Reagan, he took his seat as Associate=
Justice on September 26, 1986. <br><b>Voting Record:</b> An unabashed an=
d unrelenting conservative. On a Court that hardly leans left, Scalia is =
a notorious right-wing rebel, leading the conservative charge on issues l=
ike school prayer, abortion and gay rights.<p></font><br>";
supremecourt[6]=3D"<font size=3D2 face=3Dhelvetica,geneva><b>Name: David=
Hackett Souter</b> <br><b>Date of Birth:</b> September 17, 1939<br><b>A=
chievements:</b> Attorney General, New Hampshire, 1976-1978. Associate Ju=
stice, Superior Court of New Hampshire 1978-1983. Associate Justice, Supr=
eme Court of New Hampshire, 1983-1990. U.S. Court of Appeals for the Firs=
t Circuit, 1990. <br><b>Appointed to the court:</b> Appointed by Presiden=
t Bush, he took his seat as Associate Justice on October 9, 1990. <br><b>=
Voting Record:</b> Conservatives hoped that Souter would be an advocate o=
f conservative judicial restraint. Instead, he has acted as a moderate an=
d when he has leaned at all in one direction it has been to the left.<p><=
/font><br>";
supremecourt[7]=3D"<font size=3D2 face=3Dhelvetica,geneva><b>Name: John =
Paul Stevens</b> <br><b>Date of Birth:</b> April 20, 1920<br><b>Achieveme=
nts:</b> Associate Counsel to the Subcommittee on the Study of Monopoly P=
ower of the Judiciary Committee of the U.S. House of Representatives, 195=
1-1952. Member, the Attorney General' s National Committee to Study Antit=
rust Law, 1953-1955. Private practice, Chicago, 1952-70. U.S. Court of =
Appeals for the Sixth and Seventh Circuits, 1970-1975.<br><b>Appointed to=
the court:</b> Took his seat as Associate Justice on December 19, 1975. =
<br><b>Voting Record:</b> Unafraid to be the lone dissenter in 8-1 decisi=
ons, Stevens is known for his independence and idiosyncratic reasoning. H=
e is a leading voice for liberals on the Court.<p></font><br>";
supremecourt[8]=3D"<font size=3D2 face=3Dhelvetica,geneva><b>Name: Clare=
nce Thomas</b> <br>Date of Birth: June 23, 1948<br><b>Achievements:</b> A=
sst. Secretary for Civil Rights, U.S. Department of Education 1981-1982. =
Chairman of the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 1982-1990. =
U.S. Court of Appeals, District of Columbia Circuit, 1990-1991.<br><b>App=
ointed to the court:</b> Nominated by President Bush, he took his seat as=
Associate Justice on October 23, 1991. <br><b>Voting Record:</b> Along w=
ith Scalia, Thomas is at the Rehnquist Court's conservative extreme, cons=
istently taking a page from the far right's play-book on abortion, school=
prayer, gay rights and other issues.<p></font><br>";
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<!--END editorial data-->
<hr size=3D1 width=3D360 noshade color=3Dblack align=3Dleft>
<font size=3D1 face=3Dhelvetica,geneva>Source: Newsweek</font><a name=3D"=
" ><BR CLEAR=3Dall>
The margin of victory for George W. Bush wasn=
’t 154, 165, 193 or 204 votes (depending on which numbers you belie=
ve from the abbreviated recounts). Nor is the operative margin Florida Se=
cretary of State Katherine Harris’s initial number of 930. The sand=
s of history will show Bush won by a single vote, cast in a 5-to-4 ruling=
of the U.S. Supreme Court. The vote was Tony Kennedy’s. One justic=
e had picked the president.<BR>
In a Virginia hotel, near the makeshift Bush =
transition office, Karl Rove—the campaign’s political guru�=
151;was watching MSNBC when the Court ruling was announced. He called Bus=
h in Texas; the governor was watching CNN, which took longer to decipher =
the opinions. “This is good news,” Rove told Bush. “Thi=
s is great news.” <img src=3D"http://a799.ms.akamai.net/3/799/388/a=
3843ed25f142f/www.msnbc.com/site_elements/dotblack.gif" width=3D361 heigh=
t=3D1 vspace=3D10><br><a href=3Djavascript:m_OpenMP(28,'A','nwk_090801_su=
preme')><img src=3D"http://a799.ms.akamai.net/3/799/388/8bfab7cf7e14a5/ww=
w.msnbc.com/site_elements/lnk_audio.gif" border=3D0><font size=3D4 face=3D=
Times New Roman color=3DCC0000>Newsweek On Air: An Election in Court</fon=
t></a><br><img src=3D"http://a799.ms.akamai.net/3/799/388/a3843ed25f142f/=
www.msnbc.com/site_elements/dotblack.gif" width=3D361 height=3D1 vspace=3D=
10> <BR>
“No, no, this is bad news,” Bush =
replied. Rove was the first person Bush talked to as the verdict came in&=
#0151;Bush had no sense initially he’d just been declared the winne=
r by the stroke of the Court’s pen. It was very confusing. “W=
here are you now?” he asked Rove.<BR>
“In the McLean Hilton—standing in=
my pajamas.”<BR>
“Well, I’m in my pajamas, too,�=
148; said the new president-elect.<!---LEFT COLUMN-A---></FONT></TD><TD W=
IDTH=3D53></TD></TR><TR><TD COLSPAN=3D3 WIDTH=3D193 VALIGN=3DTOP ALIGN=3D=
right><TABLE WIDTH=3D193 CELLPADDING=3D0 CELLSPACING=3D0 BORDER=3D0><TR><=
TD WIDTH=3D10></TD><TD COLSPAN=3D3 ALIGN=3Dleft VALIGN=3Dtop><IMG SRC=3D"=
http://a799.ms.akamai.net/3/799/388/96d33a97e1e257/www.msnbc.com/news/111=
0118.gif" border=3D0 USEMAP=3D"#nwk_feedback_acol_promo_Map" HSPACE=3D1 V=
SPACE=3D1 ALT=3D"" ><br clear=3Dall><FONT FACE=3D"Times New Roman, Georgi=
a, Times" SIZE=3D3></font><BR><FONT FACE=3D"Arial, Trebuchet MS, Helvetic=
a" SIZE=3D1></font></TD><TD WIDTH=3D18></TD></TR></TABLE></TD><TD WIDTH=3D=
361 VALIGN=3Dtop ALIGN=3Dleft><FONT FACE=3D"TIMES NEW ROMAN, TIMES">
Rove laughed at the vision of them both, at th=
is historic moment, in their PJs. Soon enough, Bush talked to his field g=
eneral, Jim Baker, who talked to Ted Olson and the other lawyers on the t=
eam. Within half an hour, Bush was convinced Gore had finally run out of =
tricks.<BR>
A month later, the animosities within the Cou=
rt finally spilled over at a gathering inside the marble temple. It was a=
meeting known only to the participants, as well as a few translators and=
guests. Yet, in illuminating how <I>Bush v. Gore </I>came to be, it was =
the seminal event. It happened in January as Inauguration Day approached&=
#0151;after the 37 days of Florida, but while emotions were still raging.=
It was the time when the justices let their guards down, without knowing=
they were providing an X-ray into their hearts.<BR>
<BR>
The Americans were playing host to special vi=
sitors from Russia. Their guests were six judges, all part of that countr=
y’s decade-long experiment with freedom after Communism. It was the=
fifth gathering between the judges and their counterparts at the Supreme=
Court—an attempt by the most powerful tribunal in the world to imp=
art some of its wisdom to a nascent system trying to figure out how const=
itutional law really worked in a democracy. It was by no means obvious. T=
o outsiders, the idea that unelected judges who served for life could ult=
imately dictate the actions of the other two branches of American governm=
ent, both popularly elected, was nothing short of unbelievable.</FONT>
</TD>
<TD WIDTH=3D53> </TD> </TR>
<TR><TD ALIGN=3Dright WIDTH=3D34 VALIGN=3Dtop></TD><TD WIDTH=3D136 VA=
LIGN=3Dtop ALIGN=3Dleft><FONT FACE=3D"Times New Roman, Georgia, Times" SI=
ZE=3D3></FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial, Trebuchet MS, Helvetica" SIZE=3D1><BR>=
</FONT></TD><TD WIDTH=3D23></TD><TD WIDTH=3D361 ALIGN=3Dleft VALIGN=3Dtop=
<FONT FACE=3D"Times New Roman, Times" SIZE=3D3><IMG SRC=3D"http://a799.m=
s.akamai.net/3/799/388/2ebefc7104d681/www.msnbc.com/i/c.gif" width=3D0 he=
ight=3D"0" border=3D0 HSPACE=3D1 VSPACE=3D1 ALIGN=3Dleft ALT=3D""><style=
A.acollink { font-size: 10px/11px; font-family:arial; TEXT-DECORATION:=
NONE; }
A.acollink:hover { color: cc0000 }
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a.yblnk {text-decoration:none;color:000000;font-family:arial;font-size=
:13px;}
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.ybBulRed {color:cc0000;font-family:verdana;font-size:14px;vertical-al=
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</style>
<table border=3D"0" cellspacing=3D"0" cellpadding=3D"0" width=3D"200" ali=
gn=3D"left">
<col width=3D"5" /><col width=3D"5" /><col width=3D"5" /><col /><col widt=
h=3D"10" /><col width=3D"5" /><col width=3D"10" />
<tr><td colspan=3D"6" height=3D"10"></td><td rowspan=3D"9"><img src=3D"ht=
tp://a799.ms.akamai.net/3/799/388/2ebefc7104d681/www.msnbc.com/i/c.gif" w=
idth=3D"10" height=3D"1" /></td></tr>
<tr bgcolor=3D"000099">
<td><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
<td><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
<td colspan=3D"3" style=3D"padding:5px;"><font size=3D"2" face=3D"arial" =
color=3D"ffffcc"><b>VIDEO ARCHIVE</b></font>
</td>
<td><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td bgcolor=3D"000099" height=3D"5"><img src=3D"http://a799.ms.akamai.net=
/3/799/388/2ebefc7104d681/www.msnbc.com/i/c.gif" width=3D"5" height=3D"1"=
/></td>
<td bgcolor=3D"ffffcc" height=3D"5"><img src=3D"http://a799.ms.akamai.net=
/3/799/388/2ebefc7104d681/www.msnbc.com/i/c.gif" width=3D"5" height=3D"1"=
/></td>
<td bgcolor=3D"ffffcc"><img src=3D"http://a799.ms.akamai.net/3/799/388/2e=
befc7104d681/www.msnbc.com/i/c.gif" width=3D"5" height=3D"1" /></td>
<td bgcolor=3D"ffffcc" width=3D"100%"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" =
/></td>
<td bgcolor=3D"ffffcc"><img src=3D"http://a799.ms.akamai.net/3/799/388/2e=
befc7104d681/www.msnbc.com/i/c.gif" width=3D"10" height=3D"1" /></td>
<td bgcolor=3D"000099" height=3D"5"><img src=3D"http://a799.ms.akamai.net=
/3/799/388/2ebefc7104d681/www.msnbc.com/i/c.gif" width=3D"5" height=3D"1"=
/></td>
</tr>
<tr bgcolor=3D"ffffcc">
<td colspan=3D"2"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
<td colspan=3D"2" valign=3D"top"><font size=3D"2" face=3D"arial" color=3D=
"black"><b></b></font>
</td>
<td colspan=3D"2"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
</tr>
<tr bgcolor=3D"ffffcc">
<td colspan=3D"2"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
<td><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
<td valign=3D"top" align=3D"left">
<table cellspacing=3D"0" cellpadding=3D"0" border=3D"0" width=3D"100%">
<col width=3D"10" /><col />
<tr class=3D"ybLnkRow">
<td class=3D"ybBulRed">•</td>
<td>
<a class=3D"yblnk" href=3D"javascript:m_OpenMP('','V','n_boies_reaction_0=
01212');">
In a NBC exclusive interview, Gore attorney David Boies reacts to the Sup=
reme Court's decision.
</a>
</td>
</tr>
<tr class=3D"ybLnkRow">
<td class=3D"ybBulRed">•</td>
<td>
<a class=3D"yblnk" href=3D"javascript:m_OpenMP('','V','tdy_lauer_keymomen=
ts_001212');">
Legal experts review the key moments in the courtroom.
</a>
</td>
</tr>
<tr class=3D"ybLnkRow">
<td class=3D"ybBulRed">•</td>
<td>
<a class=3D"yblnk" href=3D"javascript:m_OpenMP('','V','n_baker_decision_0=
01212');">
Bush representative James Baker comments on the United States Supreme Cou=
rt's decision to
bar Florida's recount.
</a>
</td>
</tr>
<tr class=3D"ybLnkRow">
<td class=3D"ybBulRed">•</td>
<td>
<a class=3D"yblnk" href=3D"javascript:m_OpenMP('','V','n_boies_scotus_001=
209');">
Ron Klain and David Boies, attorneys for Gore, react to the U.S. Supreme =
Court action.
</a>
</td>
</tr>
</table>
</td>
<td colspan=3D"2"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /></td>
</tr>
<tr bgcolor=3D"ffffcc"><td colspan=3D"6" height=3D"7"><spacer type=3D"blo=
ck" width=3D"1" /></td></tr>
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<td bgcolor=3D"3366CC" height=3D"5"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" />=
</td>
<td colspan=3D"4" bgcolor=3D"ffffcc"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" /=
</td>
<td bgcolor=3D"3366CC" height=3D"5"><spacer type=3D"block" width=3D"1" />=
</td>
</tr>
<tr bgcolor=3D"3366CC"><td height=3D"5" colspan=3D"6"><spacer type=3D"blo=
ck" width=3D"1" /></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan=3D"6"><font face=3D"arial" size=3D"1" id=3D"ysrc"></font>=
</td></tr>
</table><a name=3D"" >
These were always collegial meetings inside th=
e Supreme Court. This time—over the course of two days, January 9 a=
nd 10—seven American justices participated, everyone but Souter and=
Thomas. The justices from the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federa=
tion—Yuri Rudkin, Nikolai Seleznev, Oleg Tyunov, and Gennady Zhilin=
—were joined by judges from the Constitutional Court of the Republi=
c of Dagestan and the Constitutional Supervision Committee of the Republi=
c of Northern Ossetia-Alania. They all met in the Court’s private c=
eremonial conference rooms: for an informal reception, the blue-motif Wes=
t Conference Room; for hours of discussions about law and American herita=
ge, the rose-motif East Conference Room, with a portrait of the legendary=
19th-century chief justice John Marshall above the fireplace.<BR>
But this year, the discussions weren’t =
about general topics such as due process or free expression or separation=
of powers. Some of the Russians wanted to know how <I>Bush v. Gore</I> h=
ad come to pass—how it was that somebody other than the electorate =
decided who ran the government. That was the kind of thing that gave Comm=
unism a bad name. “In our country,” a Russian justice said, b=
emused, “we wouldn’t let judges pick the president.” Th=
e justice added that he knew that, in various nations, judges were in the=
pocket of executive officials—he just didn’t know that was s=
o in the United States. It was a supremely ironic moment.<BR>
<I>Bush v. Gore</I> was the elephant in the r=
oom—the ruling was on the minds of the Russians, but would it be ru=
de to raise it? Once one of them did, it elicited an extraordinary exchan=
ge, played out spontaneously and viscerally among the American justices, =
according to people in the room. It could have been a partial replay of t=
he Court conference itself in <I>Bush v. Gore.<BR>
</I> Justices don’t discuss their decisi=
ons with others. That’s because their views are supposed to be with=
in the four corners of their written opinions. A good legal opinion isn&#=
0146;t supposed to need further expla-nation. Memorialized in the law boo=
ks, a Court opinion spoke for itself to future generations. But <I>Bush v=
=2E Gore</I> was so lean in its analysis, so unconvincing in its reasonin=
g, that it led all manner of observers to wonder just where the Court had=
been coming from. Maybe that’s why some of the justices so readily=
engaged their guests.<BR>
<BR>
Stephen Breyer, one of the dissenters and a C=
linton appointee, was angry and launched into an attack on the decision, =
right in front of his colleagues. It was “the most outrageous, inde=
fensible thing” the Court had ever done, he told the visiting justi=
ces. “We all agree to disagree, but this is different.” Breye=
r was defiant, brimming with confidence he’d been right in his diss=
ent. “However awkward or difficult” it might’ve been fo=
r Congress to resolve the presidency, Breyer had written, “Congress=
, being a political body, expresses the people’s will far more accu=
rately than does an unelected Court. And the people’s will is what =
elections are about.” To have judges do it instead—as the cou=
ntry learned in the Hayes-Tilden presidential stalemate of 1876—not=
only failed to legitimize the outcome, but stained the judiciary. That w=
as “a self-inflicted wound” harming “not just the Court=
, but the nation.”<BR>
In contrast to Breyer, Ginsburg—Clinton=
’s other appointee—was more baffled than annoyed, attempting =
to rationalize the legitimacy of the ruling that so ripped away her confi=
dence in the neutrality of the Court. “Are we so highly political, =
after all?” she said. “We’ve surely done other things, =
too, that were activist, but here we’re applying the Equal Protecti=
on Clause in a way that would de-legitimize virtually every election in A=
merican history.”<!--- Stand-alone Graphic in Wide Column (Narrow l=
eft; Wide right) --->
</FONT>
</TD>
<TD WIDTH=3D53> </TD>
</TR><tr><td colspan=3D5 height=3D5></td></tr>
<TR> <TD ALIGN=3Dright WIDTH=3D34 VALIGN=3Dtop></TD> <TD WIDTH=3D136 VALI=
GN=3Dtop ALIGN=3Dleft> =
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“I’m so tired,” offered Just=
ice John Paul Stevens. “I am just so exhausted.” His wearines=
s may have reflected the fact that he was the oldest member of the Court =
at 80—or that he’d been fighting these battles from the left =
for 24 years, and the number he won was decreasing.<BR>
O’Connor talked pedantically about the =
Electoral College, which, of course, had nothing to do with the Russians&=
#0146; curiosity. Rehnquist and Scalia—the intellectual firebrands =
on the Court’s right flank—said almost nothing, leaving it up=
to a floundering Kennedy to try to explain a 5-to-4 ruling in which he w=
as the decisive vote, the justice who gave the presidency to Bush. The vi=
rtual silence of Rehnquist and Scalia led some in the room to wonder if t=
he two justices were basically admitting their ruling was intellectually =
insupportable, all the more in a setting where there might be give-and-ta=
ke. Maybe they didn’t think this was the right forum or audience in=
which to engage a debate. In any event, Kennedy was left holding the bag=
=2E<BR>
“Sometimes you have to be responsible a=
nd step up to the plate,” Kennedy told the Russians. “You hav=
e to take responsibility.” He prized order and stability. Chaos was=
the enemy. This was vintage Kennedy, who loved to thump his chest about =
the burden of it all. For example, back in the controversial 1989 decisio=
n that flag-burning was protected by the First Amendment, Kennedy joined =
the 5-to-4 majority, but dramatized his discomfort. “This case, lik=
e others before us from time to time, exacts its personal toll,” he=
wrote. “The hard fact is that sometimes we must make decisions we =
do not like.”<BR>
Everything Kennedy did or thought seemed to h=
im to carry great weight. It had to—he was a justice of the Supreme=
Court. It was as if Kennedy kept telling himself, and us, that—but=
for him and his role—the Republic might topple. In <I>Bush v. Gore=
,</I> that meant entering the breach to save the Union from an electoral =
muddle that could go on and on. The equal-protection stuff? That was the =
best he could come up with on short notice. It was apparently no big deal=
that there was another branch of the government right across the street&=
#0151;democratically elected, politically accountable, and specifically e=
stablished by the Constitution, as well as by federal statute, to finally=
determine a disputed presidential election. “Congress” wasn&=
#0146;t even mentioned in the opinions by the Court’s conservatives=
=2E Congress was the appropriate, co-equal branch not because it was wise=
st, but because it was legitimate.</FONT>
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What was Kennedy’s explanation for becom=
ing the deus ex machina? It was Bush and Gore who should be blamed for br=
inging their problems to the Court. “When contending parties invoke=
the process of the courts,” he wrote, “it becomes our unsoug=
ht responsibility to resolve the federal and constitutional issues the ju=
dicial system has been forced to confront.” But that was theatrical=
nonsense. The justices refused to hear 99 percent of the appeals they we=
re asked to take. Since 1925, their discretion was unbridled—they c=
ould decline to take a case because it failed to raise significant issues=
, because the questions involved were purely state affairs, because they&=
#0146;d decided a similar appeal in recent years, or for no reason at all=
=2E Accepting jurisdiction in the presidential election of 2000 showed no=
t respect for the rule of law, but the hubris of kings. Any imminent cons=
titutional “crisis” was only in the imaginations of the justi=
ces.<BR>
Nobody “forced” Kennedy or four o=
f his brethren to hear <I>Bush v. Gore. </I>In the very first instance, t=
hey had to choose who chose—whether the Court or Congress was the p=
roper branch to settle the presidential dispute. The justices chose thems=
elves.<BR>
<BR>
<I>© 2001 Newsweek, Inc.</I><BR>
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