election-law_gl-digest Thursday, February 21 2002 Volume 01 : Number 144
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Date: Wed, 20 Feb 2002 20:35:59 -0800
From: Rick Hasen <rick.hasen@lls.edu>
Subject: Fight Over Political Map Centers on Race
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This NY Times article discusses a section 5 Voting Rights
Act preclearance request in which the Justice Department
failed to preclear a redistricting plan in Mississippi that
would have improved the voting power of African-Americans.
This seems to run afoul of Beer and Bossier Parrish, no?
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/21/politics/21DIST.html
- --
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html
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<NYT_HEADLINE version=3D"1.0" type=3D" ">
<h2>Fight Over Political Map Centers on Race</h2>
</NYT_HEADLINE>
<p></p>
<NYT_BYLINE version=3D"1.0" type=3D" "><h5>By DAVID E. ROSENBAUM</h5></N=
YT_BYLINE>
<p></p>
<NYT_TEXT><font class=3Dtsa><P><IMG SRC=3D"http://graphics.nytimes.com/im=
ages/dropcap/j.gif" ALIGN=3D"left" ALT=3D"J">ACKSON, Miss., Feb. 20 =97 T=
he Bush administration Justice Department is using its authority under th=
e Voting Rights Act to block a redistricting plan for Congressional seats=
in Mississippi that was drawn by a black state judge and is supported by=
blacks and Democrats here.</p>
<P> The department questions whether a lower-court state judge should hav=
e the authority to draft a Congressional district map for the entire stat=
e.</p>
<P> Because of the department's action, the plan likely to be imposed on =
the state is one written by a panel of white, Republican-appointed federa=
l judges and is favorable to Republican candidates.</p>
<P> Bitter redistricting battles involving bare-knuckle politics are bein=
g waged all over the country as states revise their Congressional distric=
t maps to take account of population changes reported in the 2000 census.=
The outcome of these battles could determine which party controls the Ho=
use of Representatives after the November election.</p>
<P> Nowhere is the fight more byzantine than in Mississippi.</p>
<P> Experts on the Voting Rights Act from both parties said in interviews=
today that they could not recall another instance when the Justice Depar=
tment had blocked a redistricting plan that was clearly favorable to blac=
ks. The act, one of the landmark civil rights laws of the 1960's, was des=
igned to prevent discrimination against minority voters.</p>
=
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<P> Dan Nelson, a spokesman for the department, said the move was not m=
otivated by partisan considerations. "The question," Mr. Nelson said, "is=
not just whether this plan is fair to minority voters but whether the pr=
ocess is fair in this case and in future rounds of redistricting."</p>
<P> The main issue, he said, was whether it was proper for a state judge =
elected in one district to write a redistricting plan for the entire stat=
e, a procedure the Mississippi Supreme Court has upheld. Someday, he said=
, a white judge might draw a map that was disadvantageous to blacks.</p>
<P> The fight over redistricting involves several odd twists.</p>
<P> The Republican congressman who stands to benefit if the state judge's=
plan is blocked, Representative Charles W. Pickering Jr., is the son of =
the federal judge whose nomination by President Bush to the federal court=
of appeals is being thwarted by Democrats in the Senate.</p>
<P> The panel whose redistricting map is likely to be imposed is comprise=
d of two federal trial judges who are colleagues of Judge Pickering and o=
ne who sits on the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, =
which he wants to join.</p>
<P> The governor here is a Democrat and both houses of the Legislature ar=
e controlled by Democrats, a situation that should have guaranteed an unf=
avorable outcome for the Republicans, but the Democratic Party is so rive=
n by internal rivalries and sectional disputes that the politicians were =
paralyzed.</p>
<P> Normally in legal disputes, Republicans advocate states' rights and D=
emocrats strive to get matters into federal court, but in this case the r=
oles are reversed.</p>
<P> Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee, led by Representative Joh=
n Conyers Jr. of Michigan, the senior member of the Congressional Black C=
aucus, wrote to President Bush last week to complain that the Justice Dep=
artment action "turns the Voting Rights Act on its head."</p>
<P> Representative Pickering, on the other hand, said justice was being d=
one because the federal court map has compact districts. The Democrats, h=
e said, "want to gerrymander the state in a way that has never been done =
before."</p>
<P> Mr. Pickering said his father's confirmation as an appeals judge had =
become caught up in the redistricting fight. The Democratic strategy, he =
said, was to demonize the Pickering name and to hold his father's confirm=
ation hostage for a redistricting outcome favorable to Democrats.</p>
<P> Judge Pickering seems to enjoy strong support from blacks in Laurel, =
Miss., his hometown, but that backing does not extend to the state's blac=
k political leaders. In Washington, Democratic senators have criticized h=
is stands on civil rights matters on and off the bench.</p>
<P> Mississippi now has five seats in the House of Representatives, two h=
eld by white Democrats, two by white Republicans and one by a black Democ=
rat. The state lost a seat as a result of the 2000 census, a reflection o=
f the slow population growth here in the 1990's.</p>
<P> The Legislature spent last year trying to draw a new, four-district m=
ap, but no agreement could be reached. The only consensus was that the st=
ate's most junior congressmen, Mr. Pickering and Ronnie Shows (rhymes wit=
h cows), a white Democrat who enjoys strong support from blacks, would be=
pitted against each other in a new district.</p>
<P> With the Legislature stymied, Democrats took the matter to the state =
chancery court, a trial court that handles civil cases. On Dec. 21, Judge=
Patricia Wise approved a map that would have Mr. Pickering and Mr. Shows=
compete in a district in which 37.5 percent of the voting-age population=
would be black.</p>
<P> The racial composition of districts is crucial in Mississippi because=
nearly all blacks vote Democratic and a large percentage of whites vote =
Republican.</p>
<P> Some of the districts on Judge Wise's map would be oddly shaped. Repu=
blicans derided it as the "tornado plan" because a district in the northe=
rn part of the state would swoop down like a funnel into the center of th=
e state to pick up some of the Jackson suburbs.</p>
<P> Chancery court judges do not run with party labels, but Judge Wise is=
black and was elected from a heavily Democratic district.</p>
<P> Because of Mississippi's history of discrimination, the Voting Rights=
Act requires the Justice Department to certify that changes in the state=
's election laws and procedures do not discriminate against minority vote=
rs. The certification process is known as preclearance.</p>
<P> So on Dec. 26, the state attorney general, Mike Moore, sent the plan =
and supporting documents to the department in Washington.</p>
<P> Under the law, the Justice Department has 60 days to review a plan. M=
r. Moore asked the department to act quickly because the filing deadline =
for Congressional races in Mississippi is March 1. </p>
<P> But the state did not hear from Washington until last Thursday when i=
t received a five-page list of detailed questions that the department sai=
d needed to be answered before it could give preclearance. None of the qu=
estions implied that the state court plan was discriminatory, but they ce=
ntered on the question of the authority of Judge Wise.</p>
<P> Mr. Moore's office worked on the questions through the weekend and se=
nt the replies to Washington on Tuesday night. Theoretically, the Justice=
Department has another 60 days to review the replies, and if it uses tha=
t time, the plan could not be in place by the filing deadline. </p>
<P> During the long hiatus, Republicans took the matter to federal court.=
Last week, a panel consisting of Judge E. Grady Jolly of the United Stat=
es Court of Appeals and Judges David C. Bramlette and Henry T. Wingate of=
Federal District Court, all white and all put on the bench by Republican=
presidents, put forward a redistricting map in which 30.4 percent of the=
voting-age population would be black, a plan more advantageous to Repres=
entative Pickering.</p>
<P> On Tuesday, the panel announced that it would impose its plan unilate=
rally if the Justice Department had not granted preclearance to the state=
plan by next Monday. Redistricting plans drawn by federal courts do not =
require Justice Department certification.</p>
<P> Mr. Nelson, the Justice Department spokesman, said he did not know if=
the department could act one way or the other by Monday. The review has =
taken a long time, he said, because it is a complicated case.</p>
<P> "As with all voting changes," Mr. Nelson said, "the department will r=
ender its decision based on the facts before it and the relevant law and =
will do so in a consistent and principled fashion."</p>
<P> Robert B. McDuff, a lawyer for the Democrats, filed an emergency appe=
al today to the United States Supreme Court seeking to stop the federal p=
lan. He conceded that winning the appeal was a long shot.</p>
<P> Mr. Shows is furious.</p>
<P> "The deck is stacked against me," he said. "The Justice Department is=
sticking it to me because of pure partisan politics."</p>
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- --------------1BB3FF6EBA33609C445C74E8--
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 21 Feb 2002 09:00:43 -0500
From: Sam Bagenstos <bagensto@law.harvard.edu>
Subject: Re: Fight Over Political Map Centers on Race
- --=====================_1559631==_.ALT
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"; format=flowed
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
If this is right, it sounds like a clear overreaching on the part of=20
DOJ. The only basis for denial of preclearance is that the plan has the=20
purpose or effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of=20
race. So the DOJ spokesman seems to give away the case by saying that the=
=20
issue is not about this plan but about whether the process will be fair in=
=20
the future. (Unless the argument is that the institution of a process for=
=20
having a single state judge do redistricting is itself a voting change --=20
but even there, the argument that someday a white judge might use this=20
process to discriminate against black voters is a far cry from a=20
discriminatory purpose or retrogressive effect.) Why doesn't Mississippi=20
bring a preclearance action in the DDC and seek a preliminary injunction to=
=20
put its plan into effect based on the fact that there's no good reason to=20
deny preclearance? Absent some action by DOJ or the DDC, I don't see how a=
=20
local district court could refuse to enjoin the new plan (though that=20
doesn't mean it has to put into place some other plan right now).
At 08:35 PM 02/20/2002 -0800, rick.hasen@lls.edu wrote:
This NY Times article discusses a section 5 Voting Rights
Act preclearance request in which the Justice Department
failed to preclear a redistricting plan in Mississippi that
would have improved the voting power of African-Americans.
This seems to run afoul of Beer and Bossier Parrish, no?
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/21/politics/21DIST.html
--
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html
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Fight Over Political Map Centers on Race
By DAVID E. ROSENBAUM
ACKSON, Miss., Feb. 20 =97 The Bush administration Justice Department is=20
using its authority under the Voting Rights Act to block a redistricting=20
plan for Congressional seats in Mississippi that was drawn by a black=20
state judge and is supported by blacks and Democrats here.
The department questions whether a lower-court state judge should have the=
=20
authority to draft a Congressional district map for the entire state.
Because of the department's action, the plan likely to be imposed on the=20
state is one written by a panel of white, Republican-appointed federal=20
judges and is favorable to Republican candidates.
Bitter redistricting battles involving bare-knuckle politics are being=20
waged all over the country as states revise their Congressional district=20
maps to take account of population changes reported in the 2000 census.=20
The outcome of these battles could determine which party controls the=20
House of Representatives after the November election.
Nowhere is the fight more byzantine than in Mississippi.
Experts on the Voting Rights Act from both parties said in interviews=20
today that they could not recall another instance when the Justice=20
Department had blocked a redistricting plan that was clearly favorable to=
=20
blacks. The act, one of the landmark civil rights laws of the 1960's, was=
=20
designed to prevent discrimination against minority voters.
Dan Nelson, a spokesman for the department, said the move was not=20
motivated by partisan considerations. "The question," Mr. Nelson said, "is=
=20
not just whether this plan is fair to minority voters but whether the=20
process is fair in this case and in future rounds of redistricting."
The main issue, he said, was whether it was proper for a state judge=20
elected in one district to write a redistricting plan for the entire=20
state, a procedure the Mississippi Supreme Court has upheld. Someday, he=20
said, a white judge might draw a map that was disadvantageous to blacks.
The fight over redistricting involves several odd twists.
The Republican congressman who stands to benefit if the state judge's plan=
=20
is blocked, Representative Charles W. Pickering Jr., is the son of the=20
federal judge whose nomination by President Bush to the federal court of=20
appeals is being thwarted by Democrats in the Senate.
The panel whose redistricting map is likely to be imposed is comprised of=
=20
two federal trial judges who are colleagues of Judge Pickering and one who=
=20
sits on the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, which he=
=20
wants to join.
The governor here is a Democrat and both houses of the Legislature are=20
controlled by Democrats, a situation that should have guaranteed an=20
unfavorable outcome for the Republicans, but the Democratic Party is so=20
riven by internal rivalries and sectional disputes that the politicians=20
were paralyzed.
Normally in legal disputes, Republicans advocate states' rights and=20
Democrats strive to get matters into federal court, but in this case the=20
roles are reversed.
Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee, led by Representative John=20
Conyers Jr. of Michigan, the senior member of the Congressional Black=20
Caucus, wrote to President Bush last week to complain that the Justice=20
Department action "turns the Voting Rights Act on its head."
Representative Pickering, on the other hand, said justice was being done=20
because the federal court map has compact districts. The Democrats, he=20
said, "want to gerrymander the state in a way that has never been done=
before."
Mr. Pickering said his father's confirmation as an appeals judge had=20
become caught up in the redistricting fight. The Democratic strategy, he=20
said, was to demonize the Pickering name and to hold his father's=20
confirmation hostage for a redistricting outcome favorable to Democrats.
Judge Pickering seems to enjoy strong support from blacks in Laurel,=20
Miss., his hometown, but that backing does not extend to the state's black=
=20
political leaders. In Washington, Democratic senators have criticized his=
=20
stands on civil rights matters on and off the bench.
Mississippi now has five seats in the House of Representatives, two held=20
by white Democrats, two by white Republicans and one by a black Democrat.=
=20
The state lost a seat as a result of the 2000 census, a reflection of the=
=20
slow population growth here in the 1990's.
The Legislature spent last year trying to draw a new, four-district map,=20
but no agreement could be reached. The only consensus was that the state's=
=20
most junior congressmen, Mr. Pickering and Ronnie Shows (rhymes with=20
cows), a white Democrat who enjoys strong support from blacks, would be=20
pitted against each other in a new district.
With the Legislature stymied, Democrats took the matter to the state=20
chancery court, a trial court that handles civil cases. On Dec. 21, Judge=
=20
Patricia Wise approved a map that would have Mr. Pickering and Mr. Shows=20
compete in a district in which 37.5 percent of the voting-age population=20
would be black.
The racial composition of districts is crucial in Mississippi because=20
nearly all blacks vote Democratic and a large percentage of whites vote=20
Republican.
Some of the districts on Judge Wise's map would be oddly shaped.=20
Republicans derided it as the "tornado plan" because a district in the=20
northern part of the state would swoop down like a funnel into the center=
=20
of the state to pick up some of the Jackson suburbs.
Chancery court judges do not run with party labels, but Judge Wise is=20
black and was elected from a heavily Democratic district.
Because of Mississippi's history of discrimination, the Voting Rights Act=
=20
requires the Justice Department to certify that changes in the state's=20
election laws and procedures do not discriminate against minority voters.=
=20
The certification process is known as preclearance.
So on Dec. 26, the state attorney general, Mike Moore, sent the plan and=20
supporting documents to the department in Washington.
Under the law, the Justice Department has 60 days to review a plan. Mr.=20
Moore asked the department to act quickly because the filing deadline for=
=20
Congressional races in Mississippi is March 1.
But the state did not hear from Washington until last Thursday when it=20
received a five-page list of detailed questions that the department said=20
needed to be answered before it could give preclearance. None of the=20
questions implied that the state court plan was discriminatory, but they=20
centered on the question of the authority of Judge Wise.
Mr. Moore's office worked on the questions through the weekend and sent=20
the replies to Washington on Tuesday night. Theoretically, the Justice=20
Department has another 60 days to review the replies, and if it uses that=
=20
time, the plan could not be in place by the filing deadline.
During the long hiatus, Republicans took the matter to federal court. Last=
=20
week, a panel consisting of Judge E. Grady Jolly of the United States=20
Court of Appeals and Judges David C. Bramlette and Henry T. Wingate of=20
Federal District Court, all white and all put on the bench by Republican=20
presidents, put forward a redistricting map in which 30.4 percent of the=20
voting-age population would be black, a plan more advantageous to=20
Representative Pickering.
On Tuesday, the panel announced that it would impose its plan unilaterally=
=20
if the Justice Department had not granted preclearance to the state plan=20
by next Monday. Redistricting plans drawn by federal courts do not require=
=20
Justice Department certification.
Mr. Nelson, the Justice Department spokesman, said he did not know if the=
=20
department could act one way or the other by Monday. The review has taken=
=20
a long time, he said, because it is a complicated case.
"As with all voting changes," Mr. Nelson said, "the department will render=
=20
its decision based on the facts before it and the relevant law and will do=
=20
so in a consistent and principled fashion."
Robert B. McDuff, a lawyer for the Democrats, filed an emergency appeal=20
today to the United States Supreme Court seeking to stop the federal plan.=
=20
He conceded that winning the appeal was a long shot.
Mr. Shows is furious.
"The deck is stacked against me," he said. "The Justice Department is=20
sticking it to me because of pure partisan politics."
Home | <http://www.nytimes.com/pages/politics/index.html>Back to Politics=
=20
| <http://search.nytimes.com/search/>Search | Help Back to Top
<http://www.nytimes.com/RealMedia/ads/click_lx.ads/www.nytimes.com/yr/mo/da=
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Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company | Privacy Information
Samuel Bagenstos
Assistant Professor of Law
Harvard Law School
Cambridge, MA 02138
(617)495-9299 (voice)
(617)496-4867 (fax)
- --=====================_1559631==_.ALT
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<html>
If this is right, it sounds like a clear overreaching on the part of
DOJ. The only basis for denial of preclearance is that the plan has
the purpose or effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on
account of race. So the DOJ spokesman seems to give away the case
by saying that the issue is not about this plan but about whether the
process will be fair in the future. (Unless the argument is that
the institution of a process for having a single state judge do
redistricting is itself a voting change -- but even there, the argument
that someday a white judge might use this process to discriminate against
black voters is a far cry from a discriminatory purpose or retrogressive
effect.) Why doesn't Mississippi bring a preclearance action in the
DDC and seek a preliminary injunction to put its plan into effect based
on the fact that there's no good reason to deny preclearance?
Absent some action by DOJ or the DDC, I don't see how a local district
court could refuse to enjoin the new plan (though that doesn't mean it
has to put into place some <i>other</i> plan right now).<br>
<br>
At 08:35 PM 02/20/2002 -0800, rick.hasen@lls.edu wrote:<br>
<blockquote type=3Dcite class=3Dcite cite>This NY Times article discusses a
section 5 Voting Rights<br>
Act preclearance request in which the Justice Department<br>
failed to preclear a redistricting plan in Mississippi that<br>
would have improved the voting power of African-Americans.<br>
This seems to run afoul of Beer and Bossier Parrish, no?<br>
<br>
<a href=3D"http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/21/politics/21DIST.html"=
eudora=3D"autourl">http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/21/politics/21DIST.html</=
a><br>
- --<br>
Rick Hasen<br>
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow<br>
Loyola Law School<br>
919 South Albany Street<br>
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211<br>
(213)736-1466 - voice<br>
(213)380-3769 - fax<br>
rick.hasen@lls.edu<br>
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<font size=3D2><b>February 21, 2002</b></font><br>
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<h2><b>Fight Over Political Map Centers on Race</b></h2><br>
<br>
<br>
<h5><b>By DAVID E. ROSENBAUM</b></h5><br>
<br>
ACKSON, Miss., Feb. 20 =97 The Bush administration Justice Department is=
using its authority under the Voting Rights Act to block a redistricting=
plan for Congressional seats in Mississippi that was drawn by a black state=
judge and is supported by blacks and Democrats here.<br>
<br>
The department questions whether a lower-court state judge should have the=
authority to draft a Congressional district map for the entire state.<br>
<br>
Because of the department's action, the plan likely to be imposed on the=
state is one written by a panel of white, Republican-appointed federal=
judges and is favorable to Republican candidates.<br>
<br>
Bitter redistricting battles involving bare-knuckle politics are being waged=
all over the country as states revise their Congressional district maps to=
take account of population changes reported in the 2000 census. The outcome=
of these battles could determine which party controls the House of=
Representatives after the November election.<br>
<br>
Nowhere is the fight more byzantine than in Mississippi.<br>
<br>
Experts on the Voting Rights Act from both parties said in interviews today=
that they could not recall another instance when the Justice Department had=
blocked a redistricting plan that was clearly favorable to blacks. The act,=
one of the landmark civil rights laws of the 1960's, was designed to=
prevent discrimination against minority voters.<br>
<br>
Dan Nelson, a spokesman for the department, said the move was not motivated=
by partisan considerations. "The question," Mr. Nelson said,=
"is not just whether this plan is fair to minority voters but whether=
the process is fair in this case and in future rounds of=
redistricting."<br>
<br>
The main issue, he said, was whether it was proper for a state judge elected=
in one district to write a redistricting plan for the entire state, a=
procedure the Mississippi Supreme Court has upheld. Someday, he said, a=
white judge might draw a map that was disadvantageous to blacks.<br>
<br>
The fight over redistricting involves several odd twists.<br>
<br>
The Republican congressman who stands to benefit if the state judge's plan=
is blocked, Representative Charles W. Pickering Jr., is the son of the=
federal judge whose nomination by President Bush to the federal court of=
appeals is being thwarted by Democrats in the Senate.<br>
<br>
The panel whose redistricting map is likely to be imposed is comprised of=
two federal trial judges who are colleagues of Judge Pickering and one who=
sits on the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, which he=
wants to join.<br>
<br>
The governor here is a Democrat and both houses of the Legislature are=
controlled by Democrats, a situation that should have guaranteed an=
unfavorable outcome for the Republicans, but the Democratic Party is so=
riven by internal rivalries and sectional disputes that the politicians=
were paralyzed.<br>
<br>
Normally in legal disputes, Republicans advocate states' rights and=
Democrats strive to get matters into federal court, but in this case the=
roles are reversed.<br>
<br>
Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee, led by Representative John=
Conyers Jr. of Michigan, the senior member of the Congressional Black=
Caucus, wrote to President Bush last week to complain that the Justice=
Department action "turns the Voting Rights Act on its head."<br>
<br>
Representative Pickering, on the other hand, said justice was being done=
because the federal court map has compact districts. The Democrats, he=
said, "want to gerrymander the state in a way that has never been done=
before."<br>
<br>
Mr. Pickering said his father's confirmation as an appeals judge had become=
caught up in the redistricting fight. The Democratic strategy, he said, was=
to demonize the Pickering name and to hold his father's confirmation=
hostage for a redistricting outcome favorable to Democrats.<br>
<br>
Judge Pickering seems to enjoy strong support from blacks in Laurel, Miss.,=
his hometown, but that backing does not extend to the state's black=
political leaders. In Washington, Democratic senators have criticized his=
stands on civil rights matters on and off the bench.<br>
<br>
Mississippi now has five seats in the House of Representatives, two held by=
white Democrats, two by white Republicans and one by a black Democrat. The=
state lost a seat as a result of the 2000 census, a reflection of the slow=
population growth here in the 1990's.<br>
<br>
The Legislature spent last year trying to draw a new, four-district map, but=
no agreement could be reached. The only consensus was that the state's most=
junior congressmen, Mr. Pickering and Ronnie Shows (rhymes with cows), a=
white Democrat who enjoys strong support from blacks, would be pitted=
against each other in a new district.<br>
<br>
With the Legislature stymied, Democrats took the matter to the state=
chancery court, a trial court that handles civil cases. On Dec. 21, Judge=
Patricia Wise approved a map that would have Mr. Pickering and Mr. Shows=
compete in a district in which 37.5 percent of the voting-age population=
would be black.<br>
<br>
The racial composition of districts is crucial in Mississippi because nearly=
all blacks vote Democratic and a large percentage of whites vote=
Republican.<br>
<br>
Some of the districts on Judge Wise's map would be oddly shaped. Republicans=
derided it as the "tornado plan" because a district in the=
northern part of the state would swoop down like a funnel into the center=
of the state to pick up some of the Jackson suburbs.<br>
<br>
Chancery court judges do not run with party labels, but Judge Wise is black=
and was elected from a heavily Democratic district.<br>
<br>
Because of Mississippi's history of discrimination, the Voting Rights Act=
requires the Justice Department to certify that changes in the state's=
election laws and procedures do not discriminate against minority voters.=
The certification process is known as preclearance.<br>
<br>
So on Dec. 26, the state attorney general, Mike Moore, sent the plan and=
supporting documents to the department in Washington.<br>
<br>
Under the law, the Justice Department has 60 days to review a plan. Mr.=
Moore asked the department to act quickly because the filing deadline for=
Congressional races in Mississippi is March 1. <br>
<br>
But the state did not hear from Washington until last Thursday when it=
received a five-page list of detailed questions that the department said=
needed to be answered before it could give preclearance. None of the=
questions implied that the state court plan was discriminatory, but they=
centered on the question of the authority of Judge Wise.<br>
<br>
Mr. Moore's office worked on the questions through the weekend and sent the=
replies to Washington on Tuesday night. Theoretically, the Justice=
Department has another 60 days to review the replies, and if it uses that=
time, the plan could not be in place by the filing deadline. <br>
<br>
During the long hiatus, Republicans took the matter to federal court. Last=
week, a panel consisting of Judge E. Grady Jolly of the United States Court=
of Appeals and Judges David C. Bramlette and Henry T. Wingate of Federal=
District Court, all white and all put on the bench by Republican=
presidents, put forward a redistricting map in which 30.4 percent of the=
voting-age population would be black, a plan more advantageous to=
Representative Pickering.<br>
<br>
On Tuesday, the panel announced that it would impose its plan unilaterally=
if the Justice Department had not granted preclearance to the state plan by=
next Monday. Redistricting plans drawn by federal courts do not require=
Justice Department certification.<br>
<br>
Mr. Nelson, the Justice Department spokesman, said he did not know if the=
department could act one way or the other by Monday. The review has taken a=
long time, he said, because it is a complicated case.<br>
<br>
"As with all voting changes," Mr. Nelson said, "the=
department will render its decision based on the facts before it and the=
relevant law and will do so in a consistent and principled=
fashion."<br>
<br>
Robert B. McDuff, a lawyer for the Democrats, filed an emergency appeal=
today to the United States Supreme Court seeking to stop the federal plan.=
He conceded that winning the appeal was a long shot.<br>
<br>
Mr. Shows is furious.<br>
<br>
"The deck is stacked against me," he said. "The Justice=
Department is sticking it to me because of pure partisan=
politics."<br>
<br>
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- --=====================_1559631==_.ALT--
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 21 Feb 2002 09:39:36 -0500
From: Ellen Katz <ekatz@UMICH.EDU>
Subject: Fwd: Re: Fight Over Political Map Centers on Race
I agree with Sam and Rick. It's difficult to see how the procedural claim
informs the inquiry into retrogressive purpose/effect. I suppose DOJ might
be relying on Pleasant Grove as a basis to find that anticipated
circumstances inform the preclearance inquiry. Even so, as Sam notes, it's
quite a stretch to justify denying preclearance based on speculation that a
different judge might someday use this process (sanctioned by the Miss
Supreme Court) for impermissible purposes in some other case.
On a related point, does anyone know the details of the federal court's
decision to issue a separate plan while the state's preclearance
application was pending? I haven't seen a copy of its decision.
X-Authentication-Warning: majordomo.lls.edu: majordom set sender to
owner-election-law_gl@majordomo.lls.edu using -f
X-Sender: bagensto@pop.law.harvard.edu
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Date: Thu, 21 Feb 2002 09:00:43 -0500
To: rick.hasen@lls.edu, election-law@majordomo.lls.edu
From: Sam Bagenstos <bagensto@law.harvard.edu>
Subject: Re: Fight Over Political Map Centers on Race
Sender: owner-election-law_gl@majordomo.lls.edu
If this is right, it sounds like a clear overreaching on the part of
DOJ. The only basis for denial of preclearance is that the plan has the
purpose or effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of
race. So the DOJ spokesman seems to give away the case by saying that the
issue is not about this plan but about whether the process will be fair in
the future. (Unless the argument is that the institution of a process for
having a single state judge do redistricting is itself a voting change --
but even there, the argument that someday a white judge might use this
process to discriminate against black voters is a far cry from a
discriminatory purpose or retrogressive effect.) Why doesn't Mississippi
bring a preclearance action in the DDC and seek a preliminary injunction
to put its plan into effect based on the fact that there's no good reason
to deny preclearance? Absent some action by DOJ or the DDC, I don't see
how a local district court could refuse to enjoin the new plan (though
that doesn't mean it has to put into place some other plan right now).
At 08:35 PM 02/20/2002 -0800, rick.hasen@lls.edu wrote:
This NY Times article discusses a section 5 Voting Rights
Act preclearance request in which the Justice Department
failed to preclear a redistricting plan in Mississippi that
would have improved the voting power of African-Americans.
This seems to run afoul of Beer and Bossier Parrish, no?
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/21/politics/21DIST.html
--
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html
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Fight Over Political Map Centers on Race
By DAVID E. ROSENBAUM
ACKSON, Miss., Feb. 20 — The Bush administration Justice Department is
using its authority under the Voting Rights Act to block a redistricting
plan for Congressional seats in Mississippi that was drawn by a black
state judge and is supported by blacks and Democrats here.
The department questions whether a lower-court state judge should have
the authority to draft a Congressional district map for the entire state.
Because of the department's action, the plan likely to be imposed on the
state is one written by a panel of white, Republican-appointed federal
judges and is favorable to Republican candidates.
Bitter redistricting battles involving bare-knuckle politics are being
waged all over the country as states revise their Congressional district
maps to take account of population changes reported in the 2000 census.
The outcome of these battles could determine which party controls the
House of Representatives after the November election.
Nowhere is the fight more byzantine than in Mississippi.
Experts on the Voting Rights Act from both parties said in interviews
today that they could not recall another instance when the Justice
Department had blocked a redistricting plan that was clearly favorable to
blacks. The act, one of the landmark civil rights laws of the 1960's, was
designed to prevent discrimination against minority voters.
Dan Nelson, a spokesman for the department, said the move was not
motivated by partisan considerations. "The question," Mr. Nelson said,
"is not just whether this plan is fair to minority voters but whether the
process is fair in this case and in future rounds of redistricting."
The main issue, he said, was whether it was proper for a state judge
elected in one district to write a redistricting plan for the entire
state, a procedure the Mississippi Supreme Court has upheld. Someday, he
said, a white judge might draw a map that was disadvantageous to blacks.
The fight over redistricting involves several odd twists.
The Republican congressman who stands to benefit if the state judge's
plan is blocked, Representative Charles W. Pickering Jr., is the son of
the federal judge whose nomination by President Bush to the federal court
of appeals is being thwarted by Democrats in the Senate.
The panel whose redistricting map is likely to be imposed is comprised of
two federal trial judges who are colleagues of Judge Pickering and one
who sits on the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit,
which he wants to join.
The governor here is a Democrat and both houses of the Legislature are
controlled by Democrats, a situation that should have guaranteed an
unfavorable outcome for the Republicans, but the Democratic Party is so
riven by internal rivalries and sectional disputes that the politicians
were paralyzed.
Normally in legal disputes, Republicans advocate states' rights and
Democrats strive to get matters into federal court, but in this case the
roles are reversed.
Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee, led by Representative John
Conyers Jr. of Michigan, the senior member of the Congressional Black
Caucus, wrote to President Bush last week to complain that the Justice
Department action "turns the Voting Rights Act on its head."
Representative Pickering, on the other hand, said justice was being done
because the federal court map has compact districts. The Democrats, he
said, "want to gerrymander the state in a way that has never been done before."
Mr. Pickering said his father's confirmation as an appeals judge had
become caught up in the redistricting fight. The Democratic strategy, he
said, was to demonize the Pickering name and to hold his father's
confirmation hostage for a redistricting outcome favorable to Democrats.
Judge Pickering seems to enjoy strong support from blacks in Laurel,
Miss., his hometown, but that backing does not extend to the state's
black political leaders. In Washington, Democratic senators have
criticized his stands on civil rights matters on and off the bench.
Mississippi now has five seats in the House of Representatives, two held
by white Democrats, two by white Republicans and one by a black Democrat.
The state lost a seat as a result of the 2000 census, a reflection of the
slow population growth here in the 1990's.
The Legislature spent last year trying to draw a new, four-district map,
but no agreement could be reached. The only consensus was that the
state's most junior congressmen, Mr. Pickering and Ronnie Shows (rhymes
with cows), a white Democrat who enjoys strong support from blacks, would
be pitted against each other in a new district.
With the Legislature stymied, Democrats took the matter to the state
chancery court, a trial court that handles civil cases. On Dec. 21, Judge
Patricia Wise approved a map that would have Mr. Pickering and Mr. Shows
compete in a district in which 37.5 percent of the voting-age population
would be black.
The racial composition of districts is crucial in Mississippi because
nearly all blacks vote Democratic and a large percentage of whites vote
Republican.
Some of the districts on Judge Wise's map would be oddly shaped.
Republicans derided it as the "tornado plan" because a district in the
northern part of the state would swoop down like a funnel into the center
of the state to pick up some of the Jackson suburbs.
Chancery court judges do not run with party labels, but Judge Wise is
black and was elected from a heavily Democratic district.
Because of Mississippi's history of discrimination, the Voting Rights Act
requires the Justice Department to certify that changes in the state's
election laws and procedures do not discriminate against minority voters.
The certification process is known as preclearance.
So on Dec. 26, the state attorney general, Mike Moore, sent the plan and
supporting documents to the department in Washington.
Under the law, the Justice Department has 60 days to review a plan. Mr.
Moore asked the department to act quickly because the filing deadline for
Congressional races in Mississippi is March 1.
But the state did not hear from Washington until last Thursday when it
received a five-page list of detailed questions that the department said
needed to be answered before it could give preclearance. None of the
questions implied that the state court plan was discriminatory, but they
centered on the question of the authority of Judge Wise.
Mr. Moore's office worked on the questions through the weekend and sent
the replies to Washington on Tuesday night. Theoretically, the Justice
Department has another 60 days to review the replies, and if it uses that
time, the plan could not be in place by the filing deadline.
During the long hiatus, Republicans took the matter to federal court.
Last week, a panel consisting of Judge E. Grady Jolly of the United
States Court of Appeals and Judges David C. Bramlette and Henry T.
Wingate of Federal District Court, all white and all put on the bench by
Republican presidents, put forward a redistricting map in which 30.4
percent of the voting-age population would be black, a plan more
advantageous to Representative Pickering.
On Tuesday, the panel announced that it would impose its plan
unilaterally if the Justice Department had not granted preclearance to
the state plan by next Monday. Redistricting plans drawn by federal
courts do not require Justice Department certification.
Mr. Nelson, the Justice Department spokesman, said he did not know if the
department could act one way or the other by Monday. The review has taken
a long time, he said, because it is a complicated case.
"As with all voting changes," Mr. Nelson said, "the department will
render its decision based on the facts before it and the relevant law and
will do so in a consistent and principled fashion."
Robert B. McDuff, a lawyer for the Democrats, filed an emergency appeal
today to the United States Supreme Court seeking to stop the federal
plan. He conceded that winning the appeal was a long shot.
Mr. Shows is furious.
"The deck is stacked against me," he said. "The Justice Department is
sticking it to me because of pure partisan politics."
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Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company | Privacy Information
Samuel Bagenstos
Assistant Professor of Law
Harvard Law School
Cambridge, MA 02138
(617)495-9299 (voice)
(617)496-4867 (fax)
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 21 Feb 2002 17:24:48 -0500
From: "Michael Malbin" <mmalbin@cfinst.org>
Subject: Shays-Meehan
This is a multi-part message in MIME format.
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There was a fair amount of discussion on the
listserv last week about the relationship
between the Shays-Meehan bill, the Wellstone
Amendment and MCFL. Several of the
contributions made reference to the Campaign
Finance Institute's eGuide to the bill,
www.CFInst.org/eGuide. The eGuide was
accurate, but far too cryptic on a complicated
and constitutionally central point. We had originally
given readers only two sentences on the effect of the
bill on nonprofits. Those two sentences will be
replaced by about two pages of explanation,
once we can change the website. Until then,
the explanation appear within the text below, and
is attached as a Word Document. It was written by
myself and Dan Manatt, an Associate Director
of CFI.
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
Michael J. Malbin
Executive Director
Campaign Finance Institute
1990 M Street NW (Suite 380)
Washington, D.C. 20036
202-969-8890
FAX: 202-969-5612
mmalbin@CFInst.org
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
Electioneering Provisions
Shays-Meehan as passed does the following:
· Definition of Electioneering Communication:
Defines electioneering communication as any broadcast
communication which (1) refers to a clearly identified
candidate for Federal office, (2) is made within 60 days
before a general, special, or runoff election or30 days before a primary
or caucus; and (3) is targeted. Specifically, the bill defines "targeted
electioneering communication" to mean a federal candidate-specific
broadcast communication that can be received by 50,000 or more
persons in the congressional district or state in which a candidate
is running for Congress or Senate, as applicable.
(Section 201, amending 2 USC 434)
· Ban on Corporate/Union Electioneering Communications:
The bill prohibits corporations or unions from making electioneering
communications. It also bans any person or entity from financing
electioneering communications paid from funds that include
contributions from unions or corporations.
(Section 203, amending 2 USC 441b)
· Inoperative Section -- Exception for 501(c)(4)s, 527s:
Immediately after the corporate and labor prohibition,
the bill on its face exempts from the prohibition any 501(c)(4)
nonprofit corporation, or any political committee organized under
section 527 of the tax code - as long as the entity does not take corporate
or
union funds. It also exempts any segregated fund created by a 501(c)(4) or
527 if the segregated fund does not take corporate or union funds.
(Section 203(c)(2), amending 441b).
· Wellstone Amendment - Negates the Exemption:
Notwithstanding the above, the Wellstone Amendment states
that 203(c)(2) does not apply to any 501(c)(4) or 527.
This effectively makes the exemption inoperative. It also raises
many interpretive questions, discussed below. (Section 204).
· Disclosure:
Disclosure provisions apply to any person or entity that makes
electioneering communications of $10,000 or more. Disclosure of all $1000
contributors is required as follows: Persons or entities that accept
corporate,
labor or foreign contributions would have to create a separate fund that
accepts
only individual contributions (assuming they are permitted to make such
expenditures in the bill, as interpreted.) Persons or entities that do not
accept
such funds would choose whether to make electioneering expenditures from
their general treasuries or from a separate fund. If a permissible
electioneering
communication uses general treasury funds, disclosure of all $1000
contributors
to the general treasury would be required. If the electioneering
communication
is paid from a separate fund, the disclosure would be required only for that
fund.
(Section 201, amending 2 USC 434.)
Legislative History & Implications
The complexities and contradictions of these provisions stem from
their legislative history. S.27, the original McCain-Feingold, included
the
above "electioneering communications" provisions (originally known as the
"Snowe-Jeffords" Amendment) -but did not include the Wellstone Amendment.
The Wellstone Amendment, introduced as a floor amendment, effectively
disabled
the original 501(c)(4) and 527 exception. In essence, the Wellstone
Amendment
says that the exception provided for by the new electioneering provision,
2 USC 441b(c)(2), does not apply to any 501(c)(4) or 527 organizations -
the very entities (and only entities) covered by the section. With the
exemption
removed, the ban on electioneering communications by corporations and unions
would apply to any incorporated 501(c)(4) or 527 organization. (Most
(c)(4)s
are incorporated; most 527s are not). Thus, entities which could make
electioneering communications under the bill as now written, with the
Wellstone Amendment, would include individuals or unincorporated
associations,
and 501(c)(4)s and 527s which are not incorporated. Supporters of the bill
say
they expect this not to displace MCFL, but that it would be read to permit
electioneering by any 501(c)(4) or 527 that accepts only individual
contributions.
The Wellstone Amendment is especially confusing because it does not repeal
or strike the original exception outright, but maintains both the operative
and
inoperative provisions in the final bill. The provisions are further
complicated
because multiple terms are used to describe the same thing i.e. targeted
candidate-specific issue ads. Section 201 uses the terms "electioneering
communication"; section 203 uses the term "applicable electioneering
communication"; and the Wellstone Amendment/section 204 uses the term
"targeted communication." They all mean the same thing.
The Wellstone Amendment passed the Senate, ironically, with the support
of Sen.. McConnell and other opponents who termed it unconstitutional.
Some have speculated this multi-layered scheme was devised and left in
place in case the Supreme Court rules the Wellstone Amendment
unconstitutional, with the idea that the statute could then revert to its
original form, with the original Snowe-Jeffords "electioneering" exemption.
If so, it is worth noting that section 203 does not seem to require
501(c)(4)s
or 527s, or their the separate funds, to be political action committees (or
PACs),
with the FECA's $5,000 annual limitation on how much an individual could
give
to a PAC. Such organizations could accept unlimited contributions from
individuals. However, the fund would have to abide by the FECA's source
prohibitions.
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<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>There was a fair amount of discussion =
on=20
the<BR>listserv last week about the relationship<BR>between the =
Shays-Meehan=20
bill, the Wellstone<BR>Amendment and MCFL. Several of =
the<BR>contributions=20
made reference to the Campaign<BR>Finance Institute's eGuide to the=20
bill,<BR>www.CFInst.org/eGuide. The eGuide was<BR>accurate, but =
far too=20
cryptic on a complicated </FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>and constitutionally central =
point. We had=20
originally </FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>given readers only two sentences on the =
effect of=20
the </FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>bill on nonprofits. Those two =
sentences will=20
be<BR>replaced by about two pages of explanation,<BR>once we can change =
the=20
website. Until then,<BR>the explanation appear within the =
text below,=20
and</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>is attached as </FONT><FONT =
face=3DArial size=3D2>a=20
Word Document. It was written by<BR>myself and Dan Manatt, an =
Associate Director<BR>of CFI.<BR><BR><BR>* * * * * * * * * * * * * * *=20
*<BR><BR>Michael J. Malbin<BR>Executive Director<BR>Campaign Finance=20
Institute<BR>1990 M Street NW (Suite 380)<BR>Washington, D.C.=20
20036<BR>202-969-8890<BR>FAX: =
202-969-5612<BR>mmalbin@CFInst.org<BR><BR>* * * *=20
* * * * * * * * * * * *<BR></DIV></FONT>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>Electioneering =
Provisions</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>Shays-Meehan as passed does the =
following:=20
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>=B7 Definition of =
Electioneering=20
Communication: </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>Defines electioneering =
</FONT></FONT><FONT=20
face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>communication as any broadcast =
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>communication which (1) refers to =
a=20
</FONT></FONT><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>clearly identified=20
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>candidate for Federal office, (2) =
is made=20
within 60 days </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>before a general, special, or =
runoff election=20
or30 days before a primary </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>or caucus; and (3) is targeted. =
Specifically,=20
the bill defines "targeted </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>electioneering communication" to =
mean a=20
federal candidate-specific </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>broadcast communication that can =
be received=20
by 50,000 or more </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>persons in the congressional =
district or=20
state in which a candidate </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>is running for Congress or =
Senate, as=20
applicable. </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>(Section 201, amending 2 USC=20
434)</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>=B7 Ban on Corporate/Union =
Electioneering=20
Communications: </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>The bill </FONT></FONT><FONT =
face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>prohibits corporations or unions from making =
electioneering </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>communications. =
</FONT></FONT><FONT=20
face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>It also bans any person or entity from =
financing=20
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>electioneering communications=20
</FONT></FONT><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>paid from funds that =
include=20
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>contributions from unions or=20
corporations. </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>(Section 203, amending 2 USC=20
441b)</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>=B7 Inoperative Section -- =
Exception for=20
501(c)(4)s, 527s: </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>Immediately after the =
</FONT></FONT><FONT=20
face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>corporate and labor prohibition, =
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>the bill on its face exempts from =
the=20
prohibition </FONT></FONT><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>any =
501(c)(4)=20
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>nonprofit corporation, or any =
political=20
committee organized under </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>section 527 of the tax code - as =
long as the=20
entity does not take corporate or </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>union funds. It also =
exempts any=20
segregated fund created by a 501(c)(4) or </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>527 if the segregated fund does =
not take=20
corporate or union funds. </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>(Section 203(c)(2), amending =
441b). =20
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>=B7 Wellstone Amendment - =
Negates the=20
Exemption: </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>Notwithstanding the above,=20
</FONT></FONT><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>the Wellstone Amendment =
states=20
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>that 203(c)(2) does not apply to =
any=20
501(c)(4) </FONT></FONT><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>or 527. =20
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>This effectively makes the =
exemption=20
inoperative. It also raises </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>many </FONT></FONT><FONT =
face=3DArial><FONT=20
size=3D2>interpretive questions, discussed below. (Section=20
204).</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>=B7 Disclosure: =
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>Disclosure provisions apply to =
any person or=20
entity that makes </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>electioneering communications of =
$10,000 or=20
more. Disclosure of all $1000 </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>contributors is required as =
follows: =20
Persons or entities that accept corporate, </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>labor or foreign contributions =
would have to=20
create a separate fund that accepts </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>only individual contributions =
(assuming they=20
are permitted to make such </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>expenditures in the bill, as=20
interpreted.) Persons or entities that do not accept =
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>such funds would choose whether =
to make=20
electioneering expenditures from </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>their general treasuries or from =
a separate=20
fund. If a permissible electioneering </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>communication uses general =
treasury funds,=20
disclosure of all $1000 contributors </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>to the general treasury would be=20
required. If the electioneering communication </FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>is paid from a separate fund, the =
disclosure=20
would be required only for that fund. =
</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>(Section 201, amending 2 USC=20
434.)</FONT></FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2></FONT> </DIV><FONT =
face=3DArial><FONT size=3D2>
<DIV><BR>Legislative History & Implications</DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV>The complexities and contradictions of these provisions stem from =
</DIV>
<DIV>their legislative history. S.27, the original=20
McCain-Feingold, included the </DIV>
<DIV>above "electioneering communications" provisions (originally known =
as the=20
</DIV>
<DIV>"Snowe-Jeffords" Amendment) -but did not include the Wellstone=20
Amendment. </DIV>
<DIV>The Wellstone Amendment, introduced as a floor amendment, =
effectively=20
disabled </DIV>
<DIV>the original 501(c)(4) and 527 exception. In essence, the =
Wellstone=20
Amendment </DIV>
<DIV>says that the exception provided for by the new electioneering =
provision,=20
</DIV>
<DIV>2 USC 441b(c)(2), does not apply to any 501(c)(4) or 527 =
organizations -=20
</DIV>
<DIV>the very entities (and only entities) covered by the section. =
With=20
the exemption </DIV>
<DIV>removed, the ban on electioneering communications by corporations =
and=20
unions </DIV>
<DIV>would apply to any incorporated 501(c)(4) or 527 =
organization. (Most=20
(c)(4)s </DIV>
<DIV>are incorporated; most 527s are not). Thus, entities which =
could make=20
</DIV>
<DIV>electioneering communications under the bill as now written, with =
the=20
</DIV>
<DIV>Wellstone Amendment, would include individuals or unincorporated=20
associations, </DIV>
<DIV>and 501(c)(4)s and 527s which are not incorporated. =
Supporters of the=20
bill say </DIV>
<DIV>they expect this not to displace MCFL, but that it would be read to =
permit=20
</DIV>
<DIV>electioneering by any 501(c)(4) or 527 that accepts only individual =
contributions.</DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV>The Wellstone Amendment is especially confusing because it does not =
repeal=20
</DIV>
<DIV>or strike the original exception outright, but maintains both the =
operative=20
and </DIV>
<DIV>inoperative provisions in the final bill. The provisions are =
further=20
complicated </DIV>
<DIV>because multiple terms are used to describe the same thing =
i.e.=20
targeted </DIV>
<DIV>candidate-specific issue ads. Section 201 uses the terms=20
"electioneering </DIV>
<DIV>communication"; section 203 uses the term "applicable =
electioneering </DIV>
<DIV>communication"; and the Wellstone Amendment/section 204 uses the =
term=20
</DIV>
<DIV>"targeted communication." They all mean the same =
thing. =20
</DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV>The Wellstone Amendment passed the Senate, ironically, with the =
support=20
</DIV>
<DIV>of Sen.. McConnell and other opponents who termed it =
unconstitutional.=20
</DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV>Some have speculated this multi-layered scheme was devised and left =
in=20
</DIV>
<DIV>place in case the Supreme Court rules the Wellstone Amendment =
</DIV>
<DIV>unconstitutional, with the idea that the statute could then revert =
to its=20
</DIV>
<DIV>original form, with the original Snowe-Jeffords "electioneering"=20
exemption. </DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV>If so, it is worth noting that section 203 does not seem to require =
501(c)(4)s </DIV>
<DIV>or 527s, or their the separate funds, to be political action =
committees (or=20
PACs), </DIV>
<DIV>with the FECA's $5,000 annual limitation on how much an individual =
could=20
give </DIV>
<DIV>to a PAC. Such organizations could accept unlimited =
contributions=20
from </DIV>
<DIV>individuals. However, the fund would have to abide by the =
FECA's=20
source </DIV>
<DIV>prohibitions. <BR></DIV></FONT></FONT></BODY></HTML>
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- ------=_NextPart_000_0017_01C1BAFC.A9BF5C60--
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End of election-law_gl-digest V1 #144
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