election-law_gl-digest Friday, March 8 2002 Volume 01 : Number 155
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Date: Fri, 08 Mar 2002 10:21:14 -0800
From: Rick Hasen <rick.hasen@lls.edu>
Subject: Roll Call: Guest Observer
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Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and Tom Mann from Roll Call arguing in
favor of passage of Shays-Meehan.
Rick
http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/
- --
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html
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<td> <img src=3D"http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observer=
s/go_images/go_logo.gif" alt=3D"Guest Observer" width=3D187 height=3D40 a=
lign=3Dright hspace=3D2 vspace=3D2><BR CLEAR=3DALL>
<font size=3D1 face=3D"verdana, geneva, helvetica, arial">Mar=
ch 07, =
2002</font><br clear=3Dall>
<font size=3D3 face=3D"verdana, helvetica, arial"><b> Guest O=
bservers =
</b></font> =
<P> <font size=3D1 face=3D"verdana, helvetica, arial">By Norm=
an J. Ornstein and Thomas Mann</font> =
<P><font size=3D1 face=3D"verdana, helvetica, arial"> </font>=
<br>
<font size=3D3 face=3D"verdana, helvetica, arial"> =
<!-- article title here -->
<b>Campaign Finance
Critics Pushing
Myths - Not Reality
</b> =
<!-- end article title -->
<br>
</font> <br>
<font size=3D"2" face=3D"Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-seri=
f">No sooner had the House passed the Shays-Meehan campaign finance refor=
m legislation than critics in Congress and in interest groups rushed to t=
rash it. They were joined by cynical, world-weary journalists, who usuall=
y invoked the infamous Law of Unintended Consequences: The goals of campa=
ign finance regulation will inevitably be overwhelmed by unanticipated ef=
fects, rendering it either ineffective or pernicious. <p>
We believe that these critics of campaign finance reform have misread the=
historical record and underestimated the care recent reformers have take=
n to gauge the constitutionality of their proposals as well as to anticip=
ate their consequences. In so doing, these critics defend an intolerable =
status quo by perpetuating a number of myths about money and politics and=
the McCain-Feingold/Shays-Meehan effort. It seems clear now that the bil=
l will pass the Senate and be sent on to President Bush, that he will lik=
ely sign it and that the battleground will then shift to the courts. It i=
s important, both for the record and the atmosphere that will greet the f=
orthcoming changes in law and practice, to challenge the myths.<p>
o Myth No. 1: The bill is an exercise in futility; it is clearly unconsti=
tutional and its major provisions will be thrown out by the Supreme Court=
=2E <p>
Reality: Recent Supreme Court decisions upholding individual contribution=
limits and ceilings on party-coordinated spending make it very likely th=
at a national party soft-money ban will also be upheld. If corruption or =
the appearance of corruption is sufficient to justify $1,000 contribution=
limits to candidates, then surely it will support a ban on million-dolla=
r contributions to party organizations that are the instruments of incumb=
ent politicians. <p>
As for issue advocacy, the language in the bill requiring that candidate-=
specific, targeted ads running close to an election and funded directly o=
r indirectly by corporations or unions be financed with hard money takes =
its cue directly from the court's reasoning in two important campaign fin=
ance cases: Austin and Massachusetts Citizens For Life. The provision is =
scrupulously grounded in the reasoning behind the landmark 1976 Buckley c=
ase, making a small adjustment in the "bright line" the court drew betwee=
n "express advocacy" and "issue advocacy" based on a thorough empirical r=
ecord - something not available at the time of the Buckley decision - tha=
t shows a radically different political world than existed in 1976. Chief=
Justice William Rehnquist said in MCFL, "We are obliged to leave the dra=
wing of lines such as this to Congress if those lines are within constitu=
tional bounds." If he was serious, this careful, fact-based =
effort by Congress should pass muster with the Supreme Court. <p>
o Myth No. 2: Without soft money the national parties will atrophy. <p>
Reality: The real myth is that soft money, which has been used largely to=
finance thinly disguised television attack ads that rarely even mention =
a political party, has strengthened parties at all. In fact, well before =
the Federal Election Commission invented soft money in 1978, the national=
parties were gaining strength. There is no reason they cannot adapt well=
to a return to a hard-money world. The national parties raised more than=
$700 million in hard money in the 2000 cycle, far more than both hard- a=
nd soft-money totals in any cycle before 1996. And, of course, Shays-Meeh=
an does more than just abolish federal party soft money. The bill raises =
considerably the overall limits on what individual donors can give to par=
ties and separates those limits from those for contributions to candidate=
s. Parties will quickly discover how best to invest those added hard doll=
ars within the new legal framework to advance their electoral interests. =
This will almost certainly entail some shift in emphasis from television =
attack ads to grassroots activities, which would actually strengthen part=
ies.<p>
o Myth No. 3: Soft-money contributions from corporations, unions and weal=
thy individuals will not disappear; instead every dollar will flow to int=
erest groups or be laundered through state and local parties.<p>
Reality: No serious reformer believes that all soft-money contributions w=
ill dry up. Some will be diverted to alternative vehicles for political c=
ommunication. But Shays-Meehan makes interest groups and state and local =
parties less than optimal alternatives. The money cannot finance the most=
potent electioneering, namely attack television ads close to the electio=
n. Moreover, the money cannot be laundered from one state to another or d=
iverted into ads that target federal candidates. Absent the shakedown fro=
m national politicians that is a hallmark of the current system, much of =
the money is likely to remain in corporate and union coffers. Most import=
ant, the egregious conflicts of interest associated with megacontribution=
s will be stemmed for the foreseeable future.<p>
o Myth No. 4: Citizens will be silenced and unable to criticize politicia=
ns close to an election.<p>
Reality: Political speech is, of course, the most protected speech under =
the First Amendment. And no speakers are more significant than the candid=
ates for office themselves. But the Supreme Court has regularly upheld th=
e right of Congress to regulate the money contributed to candidates to fi=
nance their campaigns and their campaign communication. Current law doesn=
't prevent candidates from running any ads, including those harshly criti=
cal of their opponents, within 60 days of an election or at any time. By =
placing corporations, unions and other groups under the same rules as can=
didates, Shays-Meehan no more silences citizens than current law silences=
candidates. <p>
o Myth No. 5: Shays-Meehan is an incumbent protection bill.<p>
Reality: In the first two elections held after the current hard-money rul=
es were put in place and before party soft money was created (1976 and 19=
78), the re-election rate for House incumbents was, respectively, 95.8 pe=
rcent and 93.7 percent; for Senate incumbents it was 64 percent and 60 pe=
rcent. In 1998 and 2000, under the current soft-money system, the reelect=
ion rate for House incumbents was 98.3 percent and 97.8 percent; for Sena=
te incumbents, 89.7 percent and 78.6 percent. So much for challengers' ch=
ances under the soft-money system!<p>
In fact, by raising individual contribution limits and reducing the deman=
d for TV time by parties and interest groups (which sharply bid up advert=
ising time costs close to an election), Shays-Meehan will make it easier =
for challengers to raise money and make it less expensive for them to get=
their messages across. <p>
o Myth No. 6: If Shays-Meehan becomes law, campaign spending will not dec=
line, fat cats will not disappear, bundlers will grow in importance, and =
new strategies of financing campaigns will be pursued.<p>
Reality: Of course - and reformers will be neither surprised nor discoura=
ged. The objective in this round of reform is basically to return to the =
status quo ante pre-1996, to repair the egregious tears in the regulatory=
fabric that have led to a cynical flouting of federal law and made impos=
sible any other efforts to improve the campaign finance system.<p>
This reform effort is not a panacea but a modest step, certain to redirec=
t some money flows and confront candidates, parties and interest groups w=
ith new limits and opportunities. It is an absolutely essential one if we=
are to tolerably manage, not solve, the problem of money in politics.
<br>
<font size=3D2 face=3D"verdana, helvetica, arial"><br />
<i><br />
Thomas Mann is a senior fellow in governmental studies at t=
he Brookings Institution. Norman J. Ornstein is a resident scholar at the=
American Enterprise Institute.</i></font> =
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------------------------------
Date: Fri, 08 Mar 2002 10:27:32 -0800
From: Rick Hasen <rick.hasen@lls.edu>
Subject: follow-up on judicial write-in challenge
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http://www.ocregister.com/sitearchives/2002/3/7/news/kline00307cci.shtml
- --
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html
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<FONT FACE=3D"Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif" SIZE=3D=
"2" CLASS=3D"date">Friday, March =
8, 2002</FONT> </div></td></tr> </table></center></td></tr> </table><tabl=
e width=3D"100%" border=3D"0" cellspacing=3D"0" cellpadding=3D"0"> =
<tr> <td bgcolor=3D"#993300"><img src=3D"/images/transparent.gif" width=3D=
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</table><table border=3D"0" cellspacing=3D"0" cellpadding=3D"6" width=3D"=
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/section_topnews.gif" width=3D"109" height=3D"15"></td><td rowspan=3D"3" =
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rent.gif" width=3D"1" height=3D"15"></td><td height=3D"7" width=3D"517"><=
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span=3D"3" width=3D"15" height=3D"15"> =
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"15" height=3D"15"></div></td></tr> =
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td></tr> </table><br> =
<table width=3D"100%" border=3D"0" cellspacing=3D"0" cellpadding=3D"0"> <=
tr> <td valign=3D"top"><font size=3D"5" face=3D"Arial, Helvetica, Sans-se=
rif" color=3D"#333300"><b><!--%BEGINHEAD%-->Kline =
vote 'amini-revolution' <!--%ENDHEAD%--></b></font><P><font size=3D=
"4" face=3D"Arial, Helvetica, Sans-serif"><!--%BEGINDECK%--><!--%BEGINSUM=
MARY%-->Grass-roots =
write-in campaign overcame long odds to force a runoff.<!--%ENDSUMMARY%--=
<!--%ENDDECK%--></font><P><font size=3D"2" face=3D"Arial, Helvetica, Sa=
ns-serif">March =
7, 2002</font><P><!--%BEGINBYLINE%--><font face=3D"Arial, Helvetica, Sans=
- -serif" size=3D2><B>By =
GREG HARDESTY</B><br>The Orange County Register</font> <!--%ENDBYLINE%-->=
<P><P><!--BEGINSECTION(news)ENDSECTION--> =
<!-- START BODYTEXT INCL. BYLINE and BYCREDIT --><!--%BEGINPAGE%%ENDPAGE%=
- -->The =
write-in candidates who derailed Judge Ronald C. Kline's outright re-=
election =
Tuesday said they did it by educating voters in the final weeks of the ca=
mpaign.<p> =
"Eleven of us pounded the pavement and worked our tails off to get pe=
ople =
to understand what was going on,'' said Karen Robinson, 38, a Cos=
ta Mesa =
City Council member and write-in hopeful. "We did what the experts sa=
id we =
couldn't do - and that's a victory in itself.''<p>The inc=
umbent =
Kline received 33 percent of the vote and will face a runoff in November.=
His =
challenger won't be known for up to four weeks, when officials finish=
hand =
counting votes.<p>Kline, 61, needed 50 percent plus one vote Tuesday to b=
e re-elected =
to another six-year term. But he got trounced by the write-ins, who colle=
ctively =
received 67 percent of the votes.<p>Write-in ballots filled in incorrectl=
y are =
bound to narrow that gap somewhat, but not enough to change the result.<p=
Fred =
Smoller, chairman of the political science department at Chapman Universi=
ty, called =
the victory "extremely rare," especially since the write-in candi=
dates =
were not well-funded.<p>"I think this is an election that is going to=
be studied =
by political scientists for quite a while," said William M. Vlosky, 4=
4, a =
San Clemente lawyer and write-in candidate. "It's so unique.<p>&#=
34;What =
we saw here, I think, was a mini-revolution. People heard through word of=
mouth. =
There was something intolerable that had to be corrected."<p>Kline re=
ferred =
all questions about the election to his attorney, Paul S. Meyer.<p>"L=
itigation =
is pending," Meyer said. "Judge Kline is presumed innocent."<=
p> Kline =
surrendered to federal authorities in November on child pornography charg=
es. They =
said they found more than 100 images of nude boys on his computer.<p> In =
January, =
Kline was hit with state charges of child molestation based on a suspecte=
d incident =
25 years ago.<p>Kline, who has specialized in civil cases since joining t=
he Orange =
County bench in 1995, is confined to his Irvine home with an electronic m=
onitoring =
device, pending the outcome of the criminal cases.<p>He has pleaded not g=
uilty =
to the pornography charges and is scheduled to enter a plea this month in=
the =
molestation case. Kline continues to earn his $136,000 salary.<p>Becoming=
familiar =
to voters was a big challenge for the write-in candidates.<p>In the four =
months =
between Kline's federal indictment and the election, many candidates =
focused =
on the judge's criminal charges.<p>"Every time I talked to somebo=
dy and =
told them the story (about Kline), they were like, 'What? Who can I v=
ote for?'" =
Robinson said. "They thought the moral implications alone meant he sh=
ould =
be out of the race."<p>The 11 candidates also had to educate voters a=
bout =
properly filling out ballots. Voters had to write the name of the write-i=
n candidate =
on a blank, then punch a hole to the right of the name.<p>Many candidates=
gave =
a lot of credit to the media for the victory. KFI-AM talk radio, for exam=
ple, =
has been rallying against Kline for months.<p>"I can campaign all day=
and =
talk to 600 or 700 people," Vlosky said, "but (KFI hosts John and=
Ken) =
can talk to (thousands more) people in 30 seconds."<p>Many candidates=
relied =
on inexpensive ways of campaigning, such as sending out "looped" =
e-mail =
messages. Others passed out fliers.<p>Terese Oliver, a write-in hopeful, =
credited =
fellow lawyers for hitting the phones and spreading the anti-Kline messag=
e.<p>"I =
think that what happened is the awareness level (about Kline) didn't =
rise =
until one or two weeks before the election, and that really snookered him=
," =
Oliver said. <P> </td><td width=3D"160" align=3D"right" valign=3D"top"> <=
img src=3D"/images/transparent.gif" width=3D"10" height=3D"1"> =
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0" height=3D"7"></td></tr> =
<tr> <td bgcolor=3D"#990000" width=3D"2"><img src=3D"/images/transparent.=
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ansparent.gif" width=3D"7" height=3D"1"></td><td width=3D"132" valign=3D"=
top"><!-- #BeginEditable "interactive_content" --><!--additional content =
here--><P><FONT FACE=3D"Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif" SIZE=3D"2"><B><FONT=
COLOR=3D"#999999">RELATED =
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- --------------E4852F9CF9C2EEC218FF5469--
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 8 Mar 2002 10:37:45 -0800
From: "Volokh, Eugene" <VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu>
Subject: "Same rules as the candidates"
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I'm a bit puzzled by the following paragraph. Is it really the case
that Shays-Meehan would "plac[e] corporations, unions and other groups under
the same rules as candidates"? Candidates can spend their money all they
want, given Buckley, whether 50 days before the election or 70. Would
corporations and unions be able to do the same? What am I missing here?
Eugene
March 07, 2002
Guest Observers
By Norman J. Ornstein and Thomas Mann
Campaign Finance Critics Pushing Myths - Not
Reality . . .
o Myth No. 4: Citizens will be silenced and unable to criticize
politicians close to an election.
Reality: Political speech is, of course, the most protected
speech under the First Amendment. And no speakers are more
significant than the candidates for office themselves. But the
Supreme Court has regularly upheld the right of Congress to
regulate the money contributed to candidates to finance their
campaigns and their campaign communication. Current law
doesn't prevent candidates from running any ads, including
those harshly critical of their opponents, within 60 days of an
election or at any time. By placing corporations, unions and
other groups under the same rules as candidates,
Shays-Meehan no more silences citizens than current law
silences candidates.
-----Original Message-----
From: Rick Hasen [SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]
Sent: Friday, March 08, 2002 10:21 AM
To: election-law@majordomo.lls.edu
Subject: Roll Call: Guest Observer
Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and Tom Mann from Roll Call arguing in
favor of passage of Shays-Meehan.
Rick
http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/
--
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html
<< File: ATT202542.htm >>
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<HTML>
<HEAD>
<META HTTP-EQUIV=3D"Content-Type" CONTENT=3D"text/html; =
charset=3Dus-ascii">
<META NAME=3D"Generator" CONTENT=3D"MS Exchange Server version =
5.5.2653.12">
<TITLE>"Same rules as the candidates"</TITLE>
</HEAD>
<BODY>
<P> <FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" =
FACE=3D"Arial">I'm a bit puzzled by the following paragraph. Is =
it really the case that Shays-Meehan would "plac[e] corporations, =
unions and other groups under the same rules as candidates"? =
Candidates can spend their money all they want, given Buckley, whether =
50 days before the election or 70. Would corporations and unions =
be able to do the same? What am I missing here?</FONT></P>
<P> <FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" =
FACE=3D"Arial">Eugene</FONT>
</P>
<BR>
<BR>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> March 07, =
2002</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> Guest Observers =
</FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> By Norman J. =
Ornstein and Thomas Mann </FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> Campaign Finance =
Critics Pushing Myths - Not</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> Reality . . =
.</FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> o Myth No. 4: =
Citizens will be silenced and unable to criticize</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> politicians =
close to an election.</FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> Reality: =
Political speech is, of course, the most protected</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> speech under =
the First Amendment. And no speakers are more</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> significant =
than the candidates for office themselves. But the</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> Supreme Court =
has regularly upheld the right of Congress to</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> regulate the =
money contributed to candidates to finance their</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> campaigns and =
their campaign communication. Current law</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> doesn't prevent =
candidates from running any ads, including</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> those harshly =
critical of their opponents, within 60 days of an</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> election or at =
any time. By placing corporations, unions and</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> other groups =
under the same rules as candidates,</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> Shays-Meehan no =
more silences citizens than current law</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> silences =
candidates. </FONT>
</P>
<UL>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">-----Original Message-----</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">From: </FONT></B> <FONT =
SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick Hasen [SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Sent: </FONT></B> <FONT =
SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Friday, March 08, 2002 10:21 AM</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">To: </FONT></B> <FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">election-law@majordomo.lls.edu</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">Subject: </FONT>=
</B> <FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Roll Call: Guest Observer</FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and =
Tom Mann from Roll Call arguing in</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">favor of passage of =
Shays-Meehan.</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick</FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial"><A =
HREF=3D"http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/" =
TARGET=3D"_blank">http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/</A></=
FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">--</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick Hasen</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Professor of Law and William M. Rains =
Fellow</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Loyola Law School</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">919 South Albany Street</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Los Angeles, CA =
90015-1211</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">(213)736-1466 - voice</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">(213)380-3769 - fax</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">rick.hasen@lls.edu</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial"><A =
HREF=3D"http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html" =
TARGET=3D"_blank">http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html</A></F=
ONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial"> << File: ATT202542.htm =
>> </FONT>
</P>
</UL>
</BODY>
</HTML>
- ------_=_NextPart_001_01C1C6D0.5705F530--
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 8 Mar 2002 10:40:52 -0800
From: "Volokh, Eugene" <VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu>
Subject: Ornstein-Mann, Shays-Meehan, and MCFL
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I'm also puzzled by the paragraph from Orstein & Mann quoted below.
I had understood that Shays-Meehan would ban express advocacy by 501(c)(4)s
- -- unless they do this through PACs that gather the money under contribution
limits -- within 60 days of the election. How is that "tak[ing the] cue
directly from . . . Massachusetts Citizens For Life"? What am I missing
here?
Eugene
As for issue advocacy, the language in the bill requiring that
candidate-specific, targeted ads running close to an election
and funded directly or indirectly by corporations or unions be
financed with hard money takes its cue directly from the court's
reasoning in two important campaign finance cases: Austin and
Massachusetts Citizens For Life. The provision is scrupulously
grounded in the reasoning behind the landmark 1976 Buckley
case, making a small adjustment in the "bright line" the court
drew between "express advocacy" and "issue advocacy" based
on a thorough empirical record - something not available at the
time of the Buckley decision - that shows a radically different
political world than existed in 1976. Chief Justice William
Rehnquist said in MCFL, "We are obliged to leave the drawing of
lines such as this to Congress if those lines are within
constitutional bounds." If he was serious, this careful,
fact-based effort by Congress should pass muster with the
Supreme Court.
-----Original Message-----
From: Rick Hasen [SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]
Sent: Friday, March 08, 2002 10:21 AM
To: election-law@majordomo.lls.edu
Subject: Roll Call: Guest Observer
Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and Tom Mann from Roll Call arguing in
favor of passage of Shays-Meehan.
Rick
http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/
--
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html
<< File: ATT202542.htm >>
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charset=3Dus-ascii">
<META NAME=3D"Generator" CONTENT=3D"MS Exchange Server version =
5.5.2653.12">
<TITLE>Ornstein-Mann, Shays-Meehan, and MCFL</TITLE>
</HEAD>
<BODY>
<P> <FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" =
FACE=3D"Arial">I'm also puzzled by the paragraph from Orstein & =
Mann quoted below. I had understood that Shays-Meehan would ban =
express advocacy by 501(c)(4)s -- unless they do this through PACs that =
gather the money under contribution limits -- within 60 days of the =
election. How is that "tak[ing the] cue directly from . . . =
Massachusetts Citizens For Life"? What am I missing =
here?</FONT></P>
<P> <FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" =
FACE=3D"Arial">Eugene</FONT>
</P>
<BR>
<BR>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">As for issue advocacy, the =
language in the bill requiring that</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> =
candidate-specific, targeted ads running close to an election</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> and funded =
directly or indirectly by corporations or unions be</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> financed with =
hard money takes its cue directly from the court's</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> reasoning in =
two important campaign finance cases: Austin and</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> Massachusetts =
Citizens For Life. The provision is scrupulously</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> grounded in the =
reasoning behind the landmark 1976 Buckley</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> case, making a =
small adjustment in the "bright line" the court</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> drew between =
"express advocacy" and "issue advocacy" =
based</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> on a thorough =
empirical record - something not available at the</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> time of the =
Buckley decision - that shows a radically different</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> political world =
than existed in 1976. Chief Justice William</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> Rehnquist said =
in MCFL, "We are obliged to leave the drawing of</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> lines such as =
this to Congress if those lines are within</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> constitutional =
bounds." If he was serious, this careful,</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> fact-based =
effort by Congress should pass muster with the</FONT>
<BR><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial"> Supreme Court. =
</FONT>
</P>
<UL>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">-----Original Message-----</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">From: </FONT></B> <FONT =
SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick Hasen [SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Sent: </FONT></B> <FONT =
SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Friday, March 08, 2002 10:21 AM</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">To: </FONT></B> <FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">election-law@majordomo.lls.edu</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">Subject: </FONT>=
</B> <FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Roll Call: Guest Observer</FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and =
Tom Mann from Roll Call arguing in</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">favor of passage of =
Shays-Meehan.</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick</FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial"><A =
HREF=3D"http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/" =
TARGET=3D"_blank">http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/</A></=
FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">--</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick Hasen</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Professor of Law and William M. Rains =
Fellow</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Loyola Law School</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">919 South Albany Street</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Los Angeles, CA =
90015-1211</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">(213)736-1466 - voice</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">(213)380-3769 - fax</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">rick.hasen@lls.edu</FONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial"><A =
HREF=3D"http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html" =
TARGET=3D"_blank">http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html</A></F=
ONT>
<BR><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial"> << File: ATT202542.htm =
>> </FONT>
</P>
</UL>
</BODY>
</HTML>
- ------_=_NextPart_001_01C1C6D0.C6451D40--
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 8 Mar 2002 10:52:31 -0800
From: "Larry Levine" <larrylevine@earthlink.net>
Subject: Consequences
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- ------=_NextPart_000_0126_01C1C68F.58BBA500
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charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
California just came through it's first election under the provisions of =
Prop. 34 or 2000. The most significant effect of Prop. 34 on this =
election was to limit contributions to candidates for the State =
Legislature to $3,000 per individual. It also created something called =
"small donor PACs", which could give up to $6,000. Now that it's over, =
let me say: "Welcome to the world of the independent expenditure". As a =
political consultant, let me tell you that there is nothing more =
frustrating for a consultant or a candidate than a) not having =
sifficient funds to make a message to the voters and b) knowing someone =
else out there will be doing something in your behalf over which you =
have no control. Their message may not be your message; it may even run =
counter to your message. Their funding may come from sources that lead =
to an attack on your candidate -- the candidate of big tobacco, or big =
oil, etc. You can refuse to take contributions from these sources in =
your campaign and still be attacked because of what they do =
independently. The voice of the independent expenditure (IE) can become =
louder than the voice of the candidate. It is a total distortion of the =
electoral process. No. The answer is not to shut down the IEs. The =
answer is to stop screwing around with the process; let the candidates =
raise and spend funds on their campaigns; let their opponents challenge =
them; let the voters be the judge. Somewhere along the way it seems to =
have become acceptable (fashionable) to willingly and anxiously =
surrender our rights of free speech and redress. Wait till the next =
Vietnam war comes along and todays reformers try to finance a political =
opposition the the government and its policies.=20
Larry Levine
- ------=_NextPart_000_0126_01C1C68F.58BBA500
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charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
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<HTML><HEAD>
<META http-equiv=3DContent-Type content=3D"text/html; =
charset=3Diso-8859-1">
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<STYLE></STYLE>
</HEAD>
<BODY bgColor=3D#ffffff>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>
<DIV>California just came through it's first election under the =
provisions of=20
Prop. 34 or 2000. The most significant effect of Prop. 34 on this =
election was=20
to limit contributions to candidates for the State Legislature to $3,000 =
per=20
individual. It also created something called "small donor PACs", which =
could=20
give up to $6,000. Now that it's over, let me say: "Welcome to the world =
of the=20
independent expenditure". As a political consultant, let me tell you =
that there=20
is nothing more frustrating for a consultant or a candidate than a) not =
having=20
sifficient funds to make a message to the voters and b) knowing someone =
else out=20
there will be doing something in your behalf over which you have no =
control.=20
Their message may not be your message; it may even run counter to your =
message.=20
Their funding may come from sources that lead to an attack on your =
candidate --=20
the candidate of big tobacco, or big oil, etc. You can refuse to take=20
contributions from these sources in your campaign and still be attacked =
because=20
of what they do independently. The voice of the independent expenditure =
(IE) can=20
become louder than the voice of the candidate. It is a total distortion =
of the=20
electoral process. No. The answer is not to shut down the IEs. The =
answer=20
is to stop screwing around with the process; let the candidates raise =
and spend=20
funds on their campaigns; let their opponents challenge them; let the =
voters be=20
the judge. Somewhere along the way it seems to have become acceptable=20
(fashionable) to willingly and anxiously surrender our rights of free =
speech and=20
redress. Wait till the next Vietnam war comes along and todays reformers =
try to=20
finance a political opposition the the government and its policies. =
</DIV>
<DIV>Larry Levine</DIV></FONT></DIV></BODY></HTML>
- ------=_NextPart_000_0126_01C1C68F.58BBA500--
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 08 Mar 2002 14:30:13 -0500
From: "Thomas Mann" <TMANN@brookings.edu>
Subject: Re: "Same rules as the candidates"
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Yes, as along as they, like candidates, use hard money. Individuals, like =
individual candidates, can spend as much as they want from their own =
resources.
"Volokh, Eugene" <VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu> 03/08/02 01:37PM >>>
I'm a bit puzzled by the following paragraph. Is it really the =
case that Shays-Meehan would "plac[e] corporations, unions and other =
groups under the same rules as candidates"? Candidates can spend their =
money all they want, given Buckley, whether 50 days before the election or =
70. Would corporations and unions be able to do the same? What am I =
missing here?
Eugene=20
March 07, 2002=20
Guest Observers=20
By Norman J. Ornstein and Thomas Mann=20
Campaign Finance Critics Pushing Myths - Not=20
Reality . . .=20
o Myth No. 4: Citizens will be silenced and unable to criticize=20
politicians close to an election.=20
Reality: Political speech is, of course, the most protected=20
speech under the First Amendment. And no speakers are more=20
significant than the candidates for office themselves. But the=20
Supreme Court has regularly upheld the right of Congress to=20
regulate the money contributed to candidates to finance their=20
campaigns and their campaign communication. Current law=20
doesn't prevent candidates from running any ads, including=20
those harshly critical of their opponents, within 60 days of an=20
election or at any time. By placing corporations, unions and=20
other groups under the same rules as candidates,=20
Shays-Meehan no more silences citizens than current law=20
silences candidates.=20
- -----Original Message-----=20
From: Rick Hasen [SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]=20
Sent: Friday, March 08, 2002 10:21 AM=20
To: election-law@majordomo.lls.edu=20
Subject: Roll Call: Guest Observer=20
Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and Tom Mann from Roll Call arguing in=20
favor of passage of Shays-Meehan.=20
Rick=20
http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/=20
- --=20
Rick Hasen=20
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow=20
Loyola Law School=20
919 South Albany Street=20
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211=20
(213)736-1466 - voice=20
(213)380-3769 - fax=20
rick.hasen@lls.edu=20
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html=20
<< File: ATT202542.htm >>=20
- --=_BFE20773.D8B9EE56
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<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional//EN">
<HTML><HEAD>
<META http-equiv=3DContent-Type content=3D"text/html; charset=3Diso-8859-1"=
<META content=3D"MSHTML 6.00.2600.0" name=3DGENERATOR></HEAD>
<BODY style=3D"MARGIN-TOP: 2px; FONT: 10pt Tahoma; MARGIN-LEFT: 2px">Yes, =
as along=20
as they, like candidates, use hard money. Individuals, like =
individual=20
candidates, can spend as much as they want from their own=20
resources.<BR><BR>>>> "Volokh, Eugene" <VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.ed=
u>=20
03/08/02 01:37PM >>><BR>
<P> <FONT face=3DArial color=3D#0=
00080>I'm=20
a bit puzzled by the following paragraph. Is it really the case =
that=20
Shays-Meehan would "plac[e] corporations, unions and other groups under =
the same=20
rules as candidates"? Candidates can spend their money all they =
want,=20
given Buckley, whether 50 days before the election or 70. Would=20
corporations and unions be able to do the same? What am I missing=20
here?</FONT></P>
<P> <FONT face=3DArial=20
color=3D#000080>Eugene</FONT> </P><BR><BR>
<P><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> March 07, 2002</FONT> =
<BR><FONT=20
face=3DArial color=3D#000080> Guest Observers </FONT></P>
<P><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> By Norman J. Ornstein =
and Thomas=20
Mann </FONT></P>
<P><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> Campaign Finance =
Critics Pushing=20
Myths - Not</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> =
Reality . .=20
.</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> o Myth No. 4: Citizens =
will be=20
silenced and unable to criticize</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial=20
color=3D#000080> politicians close to an election.</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> Reality: Political =
speech is, of=20
course, the most protected</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial=20
color=3D#000080> speech under the First Amendment. And no =
speakers are=20
more</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> significant=
than the=20
candidates for office themselves. But the</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial=20
color=3D#000080> Supreme Court has regularly upheld the right =
of=20
Congress to</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> =
regulate the=20
money contributed to candidates to finance their</FONT> <BR><FONT =
face=3DArial=20
color=3D#000080> campaigns and their campaign communication. =
Current=20
law</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> doesn't =
prevent=20
candidates from running any ads, including</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial=20=
color=3D#000080> those harshly critical of their opponents, =
within 60=20
days of an</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> =
election or at=20
any time. By placing corporations, unions and</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial=
=20
color=3D#000080> other groups under the same rules as=20
candidates,</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> =
Shays-Meehan=20
no more silences citizens than current law</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial=20=
color=3D#000080> silences candidates. </FONT></P>
<UL>
<P><FONT face=3DArial size=3D1>-----Original Message-----</FONT> =
<BR><B><FONT=20
face=3DArial size=3D1>From: </FONT></B> <FONT face=3DArial =
size=3D1>Rick=20
Hasen [SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]</FONT> <BR><B><FONT face=3DArial=20
size=3D1>Sent: </FONT></B> <FONT face=3DArial size=3D1>Friday,=
March 08,=20
2002 10:21 AM</FONT> <BR><B><FONT face=3DArial=20
size=3D1>To: </FONT></B> <FONT face=3DArial=20
size=3D1>election-law@majordomo.lls.edu</FONT> <BR><B><FONT face=3DArial=
=20
size=3D1>Subject: </FONT></B> =
<FONT=20
face=3DArial size=3D1>Roll Call: Guest Observer</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and Tom =
Mann from=20
Roll Call arguing in</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>favor of =
passage of=20
Shays-Meehan.</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Rick</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2><A=20
href=3D"http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/"=20
target=3D_blank>http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/</A></FON=
T>=20
<BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>--</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial =
size=3D2>Rick=20
Hasen</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Professor of Law and =
William M. Rains=20
Fellow</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Loyola Law School</FONT> =
<BR><FONT=20
face=3DArial size=3D2>919 South Albany Street</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DAri=
al=20
size=3D2>Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial=
=20
size=3D2>(213)736-1466 - voice</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>(21=
3)380-3769=20
- fax</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>rick.hasen@lls.edu</FONT> =
<BR><FONT=20
face=3DArial size=3D2><A href=3D"http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/has=
en.html"=20
target=3D_blank>http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html</A></FONT=
=20
<BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2> << File: ATT202542.htm =
>>=20
</FONT></P></UL></BODY></HTML>
- --=_BFE20773.D8B9EE56--
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 08 Mar 2002 14:33:58 -0500
From: "Thomas Mann" <TMANN@brookings.edu>
Subject: Re: Ornstein-Mann, Shays-Meehan, and MCFL
This is a MIME message. If you are reading this text, you may want to
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- --=_E2BF5A2D.E382D56D
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Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
Our point was the constitutionality of treating economic corporations =
differently from others. Dan Ortiz lays out the logic in his presentation =
at the March 1, 2002 briefing on the Brookings campaign finance website.
"Volokh, Eugene" <VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu> 03/08/02 01:40PM >>>
I'm also puzzled by the paragraph from Orstein & Mann quoted =
below. I had understood that Shays-Meehan would ban express advocacy by =
501(c)(4)s -- unless they do this through PACs that gather the money under =
contribution limits -- within 60 days of the election. How is that =
"tak[ing the] cue directly from . . . Massachusetts Citizens For Life"? =
What am I missing here?
Eugene=20
As for issue advocacy, the language in the bill requiring that=20
candidate-specific, targeted ads running close to an election=20
and funded directly or indirectly by corporations or unions be=20
financed with hard money takes its cue directly from the court's=20
reasoning in two important campaign finance cases: Austin and=20
Massachusetts Citizens For Life. The provision is scrupulously=20
grounded in the reasoning behind the landmark 1976 Buckley=20
case, making a small adjustment in the "bright line" the court=20
drew between "express advocacy" and "issue advocacy" based=20
on a thorough empirical record - something not available at the=20
time of the Buckley decision - that shows a radically different=20
political world than existed in 1976. Chief Justice William=20
Rehnquist said in MCFL, "We are obliged to leave the drawing of=20
lines such as this to Congress if those lines are within=20
constitutional bounds." If he was serious, this careful,=20
fact-based effort by Congress should pass muster with the=20
Supreme Court.=20
- -----Original Message-----=20
From: Rick Hasen [SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]=20
Sent: Friday, March 08, 2002 10:21 AM=20
To: election-law@majordomo.lls.edu=20
Subject: Roll Call: Guest Observer=20
Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and Tom Mann from Roll Call arguing in=20
favor of passage of Shays-Meehan.=20
Rick=20
http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/=20
- --=20
Rick Hasen=20
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow=20
Loyola Law School=20
919 South Albany Street=20
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211=20
(213)736-1466 - voice=20
(213)380-3769 - fax=20
rick.hasen@lls.edu=20
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html=20
<< File: ATT202542.htm >>=20
- --=_E2BF5A2D.E382D56D
Content-Type: text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
Content-Description: HTML
<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional//EN">
<HTML><HEAD>
<META http-equiv=3DContent-Type content=3D"text/html; charset=3Diso-8859-1"=
<META content=3D"MSHTML 6.00.2600.0" name=3DGENERATOR></HEAD>
<BODY style=3D"MARGIN-TOP: 2px; FONT: 10pt Tahoma; MARGIN-LEFT: 2px">Our =
point was=20
the constitutionality of treating economic corporations differently =
from=20
others. Dan Ortiz lays out the logic in his presentation at the =
March 1,=20
2002 briefing on the Brookings campaign finance website.<BR><BR>>>>=
;=20
"Volokh, Eugene" <VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu> 03/08/02 01:40PM=20
>>><BR>
<P> <FONT face=3DArial color=3D#0=
00080>I'm=20
also puzzled by the paragraph from Orstein & Mann quoted below. =
I had=20
understood that Shays-Meehan would ban express advocacy by 501(c)(4)s -- =
unless=20
they do this through PACs that gather the money under contribution limits =
- --=20
within 60 days of the election. How is that "tak[ing the] cue =
directly=20
from . . . Massachusetts Citizens For Life"? What am I missing=20
here?</FONT></P>
<P> <FONT face=3DArial=20
color=3D#000080>Eugene</FONT> </P><BR><BR>
<P><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080>As for issue advocacy, the language =
in the=20
bill requiring that</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> &nb=
sp;=20
candidate-specific, targeted ads running close to an election</FONT> =
<BR><FONT=20
face=3DArial color=3D#000080> and funded directly or indirectly=
by=20
corporations or unions be</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080>&nb=
sp; =20
financed with hard money takes its cue directly from the court's</FONT>=20
<BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> reasoning in two =
important=20
campaign finance cases: Austin and</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial=20
color=3D#000080> Massachusetts Citizens For Life. The =
provision is=20
scrupulously</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> =
grounded in=20
the reasoning behind the landmark 1976 Buckley</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DAria=
l=20
color=3D#000080> case, making a small adjustment in the =
"bright line"=20
the court</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> drew =
between=20
"express advocacy" and "issue advocacy" based</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial=
=20
color=3D#000080> on a thorough empirical record - something =
not=20
available at the</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> =
time of=20
the Buckley decision - that shows a radically different</FONT> <BR><FONT=20=
face=3DArial color=3D#000080> political world than existed in =
1976.=20
Chief Justice William</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> &=
nbsp;=20
Rehnquist said in MCFL, "We are obliged to leave the drawing of</FONT> =
<BR><FONT=20
face=3DArial color=3D#000080> lines such as this to Congress =
if those=20
lines are within</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> =
=20
constitutional bounds." If he was serious, this careful,</FONT> =
<BR><FONT=20
face=3DArial color=3D#000080> fact-based effort by Congress =
should pass=20
muster with the</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial color=3D#000080> =
Supreme=20
Court. </FONT></P>
<UL>
<P><FONT face=3DArial size=3D1>-----Original Message-----</FONT> =
<BR><B><FONT=20
face=3DArial size=3D1>From: </FONT></B> <FONT face=3DArial =
size=3D1>Rick=20
Hasen [SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]</FONT> <BR><B><FONT face=3DArial=20
size=3D1>Sent: </FONT></B> <FONT face=3DArial size=3D1>Friday,=
March 08,=20
2002 10:21 AM</FONT> <BR><B><FONT face=3DArial=20
size=3D1>To: </FONT></B> <FONT face=3DArial=20
size=3D1>election-law@majordomo.lls.edu</FONT> <BR><B><FONT face=3DArial=
=20
size=3D1>Subject: </FONT></B> =
<FONT=20
face=3DArial size=3D1>Roll Call: Guest Observer</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and Tom =
Mann from=20
Roll Call arguing in</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>favor of =
passage of=20
Shays-Meehan.</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Rick</FONT> </P>
<P><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2><A=20
href=3D"http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/"=20
target=3D_blank>http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/</A></FON=
T>=20
<BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>--</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial =
size=3D2>Rick=20
Hasen</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Professor of Law and =
William M. Rains=20
Fellow</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>Loyola Law School</FONT> =
<BR><FONT=20
face=3DArial size=3D2>919 South Albany Street</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DAri=
al=20
size=3D2>Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial=
=20
size=3D2>(213)736-1466 - voice</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>(21=
3)380-3769=20
- fax</FONT> <BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2>rick.hasen@lls.edu</FONT> =
<BR><FONT=20
face=3DArial size=3D2><A href=3D"http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/has=
en.html"=20
target=3D_blank>http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html</A></FONT=
=20
<BR><FONT face=3DArial size=3D2> << File: ATT202542.htm =
>>=20
</FONT></P></UL></BODY></HTML>
- --=_E2BF5A2D.E382D56D--
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 8 Mar 2002 12:04:03 -0800
From: "Volokh, Eugene" <VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu>
Subject: RE: "Same rules as the candidates"
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- ------_=_NextPart_001_01C1C6DC.65496C60
Content-Type: text/plain
I'm not sure I quite follow. When a candidate is spending his own
money 59 days before the election, that's money that he at some point
earned, inherited, made from investments, or was given (usually by family
members). Buckley allows the government to limit the money that one can
give to a candidate with the intention that he spend it on the campaign.
But the government may not stop the candidate from spending money he earned
before the campaign: Tthe candidate's past earnings aren't classified as
"hard money" (even if they were earned in large chunks) or "soft money" --
they're just his money.
But barring corporations from running express advocacy 59 days
before the election keeps them from doing this very same thing. A candidate
can spend money that he earned in the past; but IBM -- or for that matter a
501(c)(4) that earns money from investments or consulting or whatever else
- -- cannot spend money that it earned in the past. How is this "plac[ing]
corporations, unions and other groups under the same rules as candidates"?
Eugene
-----Original Message-----
From: Thomas Mann [SMTP:TMANN@brookings.edu]
Sent: Friday, March 08, 2002 11:30 AM
To: VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu; election-law@majordomo.lls.edu
Subject: Re: "Same rules as the candidates"
Yes, as along as they, like candidates, use hard money. Individuals, like
individual candidates, can spend as much as they want from their own
resources.
"Volokh, Eugene" <VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu> 03/08/02 01:37PM >>>
I'm a bit puzzled by the following paragraph. Is it really the
case that Shays-Meehan would "plac[e] corporations, unions and other
groups under the same rules as candidates"? Candidates can spend their
money all they want, given Buckley, whether 50 days before the election or
70. Would corporations and unions be able to do the same? What am I
missing here?
Eugene
March 07, 2002
Guest Observers
By Norman J. Ornstein and Thomas Mann
Campaign Finance Critics Pushing Myths - Not
Reality . . .
o Myth No. 4: Citizens will be silenced and unable to criticize
politicians close to an election.
Reality: Political speech is, of course, the most protected
speech under the First Amendment. And no speakers are more
significant than the candidates for office themselves. But the
Supreme Court has regularly upheld the right of Congress to
regulate the money contributed to candidates to finance their
campaigns and their campaign communication. Current law
doesn't prevent candidates from running any ads, including
those harshly critical of their opponents, within 60 days of an
election or at any time. By placing corporations, unions and
other groups under the same rules as candidates,
Shays-Meehan no more silences citizens than current law
silences candidates.
-----Original Message-----
From: Rick Hasen [SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]
Sent: Friday, March 08, 2002 10:21 AM
To: election-law@majordomo.lls.edu
Subject: Roll Call: Guest Observer
Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and Tom Mann from Roll Call arguing in
favor of passage of Shays-Meehan.
Rick
<http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/>
--
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
<http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html>
<< File: ATT202542.htm >>
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charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 3.2//EN">
<HTML>
<HEAD>
<META HTTP-EQUIV=3D"Content-Type" CONTENT=3D"text/html; =
charset=3Diso-8859-1">
<META NAME=3D"Generator" CONTENT=3D"MS Exchange Server version =
5.5.2653.12">
<TITLE>RE: "Same rules as the candidates"</TITLE>
</HEAD>
<BODY>
<P> <FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" =
FACE=3D"Arial">I'm not sure I quite follow. When a candidate is =
spending his own money 59 days before the election, that's money that =
he at some point earned, inherited, made from investments, or was given =
(usually by family members). Buckley allows the government to =
limit the money that one can give to a candidate with the intention =
that he spend it on the campaign. But the government may not stop =
the candidate from spending money he earned before the campaign: =
Tthe candidate's past earnings aren't classified as "hard =
money" (even if they were earned in large chunks) or "soft =
money" -- they're just his money.</FONT></P>
<P> <FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" =
FACE=3D"Arial">But barring corporations from running express advocacy =
59 days before the election keeps them from doing this very same =
thing. A candidate can spend money that he earned in the past; =
but IBM -- or for that matter a 501(c)(4) that earns money from =
investments or consulting or whatever else -- cannot spend money that =
it earned in the past. How is this "plac[ing] corporations, =
unions and other groups under the same rules as =
candidates"?</FONT></P>
<P> <FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" =
FACE=3D"Arial">Eugene</FONT>
</P>
<UL>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">-----Original Message-----</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">From: </FONT></B> <FONT =
SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Thomas Mann [SMTP:TMANN@brookings.edu]</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Sent: </FONT></B> <FONT =
SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Friday, March 08, 2002 11:30 AM</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">To: </FONT></B> <FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu; =
election-law@majordomo.lls.edu</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">Subject: </FONT>=
</B> <FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Re: "Same rules as the =
candidates"</FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE=3D"Arial">Yes, as along as they, like candidates, use =
hard money.=A0 Individuals, like individual candidates, can spend as =
much as they want from their own resources.<BR>
<BR>
>>> "Volokh, Eugene" =
<VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu> 03/08/02 01:37PM >>><BR>
</FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0 </FONT><FONT =
COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">I'm a bit puzzled by the following =
paragraph.=A0 Is it really the case that Shays-Meehan would =
"plac[e] corporations, unions and other groups under the same =
rules as candidates"?=A0 Candidates can spend their money all they =
want, given Buckley, whether 50 days before the election or 70.=A0 =
Would corporations and unions be able to do the same?=A0 What am I =
missing here?</FONT></P>
<P><FONT FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0 </FONT><FONT =
COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">Eugene</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"> =
</FONT>
</P>
<BR>
<BR>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 March 07, =
2002</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 Guest =
Observers</FONT>=20
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 By Norman J. Ornstein =
and Thomas Mann</FONT>=20
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 Campaign Finance =
Critics Pushing Myths - Not</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 Reality . . =
.</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 o Myth No. 4: Citizens =
will be silenced and unable to criticize</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 politicians close =
to an election.</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 Reality: Political =
speech is, of course, the most protected</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 speech under the =
First Amendment. And no speakers are more</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 significant than =
the candidates for office themselves. But the</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 Supreme Court has =
regularly upheld the right of Congress to</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 regulate the money =
contributed to candidates to finance their</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 campaigns and =
their campaign communication. Current law</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 doesn't prevent =
candidates from running any ads, including</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 those harshly =
critical of their opponents, within 60 days of an</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 election or at any =
time. By placing corporations, unions and</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 other groups under =
the same rules as candidates,</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 Shays-Meehan no =
more silences citizens than current law</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 silences =
candidates.</FONT>=20
</P>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">-----Original Message-----</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">From:=A0=A0</FONT></B><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick Hasen =
[SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Sent:=A0=A0</FONT></B><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Friday, March 08, =
2002 10:21 AM</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">To:=A0=A0=A0=A0</FONT></B><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">election-law@majordomo.lls.edu</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">Subject:=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0</FONT></B><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Roll Call: Guest =
Observer</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and =
Tom Mann from Roll Call arguing in</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">favor of passage of =
Shays-Meehan.</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"> =
</FONT>
</P>
<P><U><FONT COLOR=3D"#0000FF" SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial"><<A =
HREF=3D"http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/" =
TARGET=3D"_blank">http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/</A>&g=
t;</FONT></U><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">--</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick Hasen</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Professor of Law and William M. =
Rains Fellow</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Loyola Law School</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">919 South Albany =
Street</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Los Angeles, CA=A0 =
90015-1211</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">(213)736-1466 - voice</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">(213)380-3769 - fax</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">rick.hasen@lls.edu</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><U><FONT COLOR=3D"#0000FF" SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial"><<A =
HREF=3D"http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html" =
TARGET=3D"_blank">http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html</A>>=
;</FONT></U><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">=A0<< File: ATT202542.htm =
>></FONT>=20
</P>
</UL>
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Date: Fri, 8 Mar 2002 12:05:07 -0800
From: "Volokh, Eugene" <VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu>
Subject: RE: Ornstein-Mann, Shays-Meehan, and MCFL
This message is in MIME format. Since your mail reader does not understand
this format, some or all of this message may not be legible.
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I appreciate that point as to *economic* corporations, but I had
thought that Shays-Meehan also limited express advocacy by 501(c)(4)s. Am I
mistaken on that?
Eugene
-----Original Message-----
From: Thomas Mann [SMTP:TMANN@brookings.edu]
Sent: Friday, March 08, 2002 11:34 AM
To: VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu; election-law@majordomo.lls.edu
Subject: Re: Ornstein-Mann, Shays-Meehan, and MCFL
Our point was the constitutionality of treating economic corporations
differently from others. Dan Ortiz lays out the logic in his presentation
at the March 1, 2002 briefing on the Brookings campaign finance website.
"Volokh, Eugene" <VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu> 03/08/02 01:40PM >>>
I'm also puzzled by the paragraph from Orstein & Mann quoted
below. I had understood that Shays-Meehan would ban express advocacy by
501(c)(4)s -- unless they do this through PACs that gather the money under
contribution limits -- within 60 days of the election. How is that
"tak[ing the] cue directly from . . . Massachusetts Citizens For Life"?
What am I missing here?
Eugene
As for issue advocacy, the language in the bill requiring that
candidate-specific, targeted ads running close to an election
and funded directly or indirectly by corporations or unions be
financed with hard money takes its cue directly from the court's
reasoning in two important campaign finance cases: Austin and
Massachusetts Citizens For Life. The provision is scrupulously
grounded in the reasoning behind the landmark 1976 Buckley
case, making a small adjustment in the "bright line" the court
drew between "express advocacy" and "issue advocacy" based
on a thorough empirical record - something not available at the
time of the Buckley decision - that shows a radically different
political world than existed in 1976. Chief Justice William
Rehnquist said in MCFL, "We are obliged to leave the drawing of
lines such as this to Congress if those lines are within
constitutional bounds." If he was serious, this careful,
fact-based effort by Congress should pass muster with the
Supreme Court.
-----Original Message-----
From: Rick Hasen [SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]
Sent: Friday, March 08, 2002 10:21 AM
To: election-law@majordomo.lls.edu
Subject: Roll Call: Guest Observer
Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and Tom Mann from Roll Call arguing in
favor of passage of Shays-Meehan.
Rick
<http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/>
--
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
<http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html>
<< File: ATT202542.htm >>
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<HEAD>
<META HTTP-EQUIV=3D"Content-Type" CONTENT=3D"text/html; =
charset=3Diso-8859-1">
<META NAME=3D"Generator" CONTENT=3D"MS Exchange Server version =
5.5.2653.12">
<TITLE>RE: Ornstein-Mann, Shays-Meehan, and MCFL</TITLE>
</HEAD>
<BODY>
<P> <FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" =
FACE=3D"Arial">I appreciate that point as to *economic* corporations, =
but I had thought that Shays-Meehan also limited express advocacy by =
501(c)(4)s. Am I mistaken on that?</FONT></P>
<P> <FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" =
FACE=3D"Arial">Eugene</FONT>
</P>
<UL>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">-----Original Message-----</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">From: </FONT></B> <FONT =
SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Thomas Mann [SMTP:TMANN@brookings.edu]</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Sent: </FONT></B> <FONT =
SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Friday, March 08, 2002 11:34 AM</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">To: </FONT></B> <FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu; =
election-law@majordomo.lls.edu</FONT>
<BR><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">Subject: </FONT>=
</B> <FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Re: Ornstein-Mann, Shays-Meehan, and =
MCFL</FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE=3D"Arial">Our point was the constitutionality of treating =
economic corporations differently from others.=A0 Dan Ortiz lays out =
the logic in his presentation at the March 1, 2002 briefing on the =
Brookings campaign finance website.<BR>
<BR>
>>> "Volokh, Eugene" =
<VOLOKH@mail.law.ucla.edu> 03/08/02 01:40PM >>><BR>
</FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0 </FONT><FONT =
COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">I'm also puzzled by the paragraph from =
Orstein & Mann quoted below.=A0 I had understood that Shays-Meehan =
would ban express advocacy by 501(c)(4)s -- unless they do this through =
PACs that gather the money under contribution limits -- within 60 days =
of the election.=A0 How is that "tak[ing the] cue directly from . =
. . Massachusetts Citizens For Life"?=A0 What am I missing =
here?</FONT></P>
<P><FONT FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0 </FONT><FONT =
COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">Eugene</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"> =
</FONT>
</P>
<BR>
<BR>
<P><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">As for issue advocacy, the =
language in the bill requiring that</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 =
candidate-specific, targeted ads running close to an =
election</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 and funded =
directly or indirectly by corporations or unions be</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 financed with hard =
money takes its cue directly from the court's</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 reasoning in two =
important campaign finance cases: Austin and</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 Massachusetts =
Citizens For Life. The provision is scrupulously</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 grounded in the =
reasoning behind the landmark 1976 Buckley</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 case, making a =
small adjustment in the "bright line" the court</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 drew between =
"express advocacy" and "issue advocacy" =
based</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 on a thorough =
empirical record - something not available at the</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 time of the =
Buckley decision - that shows a radically different</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 political world =
than existed in 1976. Chief Justice William</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 Rehnquist said in =
MCFL, "We are obliged to leave the drawing of</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 lines such as this =
to Congress if those lines are within</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 constitutional =
bounds." If he was serious, this careful,</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 fact-based effort =
by Congress should pass muster with the</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT COLOR=3D"#000080" FACE=3D"Arial">=A0=A0 Supreme =
Court.</FONT>=20
</P>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">-----Original Message-----</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">From:=A0=A0</FONT></B><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick Hasen =
[SMTP:rick.hasen@lls.edu]</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Sent:=A0=A0</FONT></B><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Friday, March 08, =
2002 10:21 AM</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">To:=A0=A0=A0=A0</FONT></B><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">election-law@majordomo.lls.edu</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><B><FONT SIZE=3D1 =
FACE=3D"Arial">Subject:=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0</FONT></B><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT><FONT SIZE=3D1 FACE=3D"Arial">Roll Call: Guest =
Observer</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"> </FONT>
</P>
<P><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Here's an op-ed by Norm Ornstein and =
Tom Mann from Roll Call arguing in</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">favor of passage of =
Shays-Meehan.</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"> =
</FONT>
</P>
<P><U><FONT COLOR=3D"#0000FF" SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial"><<A =
HREF=3D"http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/" =
TARGET=3D"_blank">http://www.rollcall.com/pages/columns/observers/</A>&g=
t;</FONT></U><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">--</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Rick Hasen</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Professor of Law and William M. =
Rains Fellow</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Loyola Law School</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">919 South Albany =
Street</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">Los Angeles, CA=A0 =
90015-1211</FONT><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">(213)736-1466 - voice</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">(213)380-3769 - fax</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">rick.hasen@lls.edu</FONT><FONT =
FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><U><FONT COLOR=3D"#0000FF" SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial"><<A =
HREF=3D"http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html" =
TARGET=3D"_blank">http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html</A>>=
;</FONT></U><FONT FACE=3D"Arial"><BR>
</FONT><FONT SIZE=3D2 FACE=3D"Arial">=A0<< File: ATT202542.htm =
>></FONT>=20
</P>
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