election-law_gl-digest Monday, March 25 2002 Volume 01 : Number 172
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Date: Mon, 25 Mar 2002 12:47:29 -0800
From: Rick Hasen <rick.hasen@lls.edu>
Subject: U.S. Supreme Court to Consider Limits on Speech in Judicial Elections
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Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html
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fessionalsHeadline">U.S. Supreme Court to Consider Limits on Speech in Ju=
dicial Elections</span><br> <img src=3D"/img/spacer.gif" width=3D"237" he=
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American Lawyer Media<br> =
March 25, 2002 =
<br> </span> <img src=3D"/img/spacer.gif" width=3D"237" height=3D"15">=
=
<br><br>The last time Gregory Wersal ran for a seat on the Minnes=
ota Supreme Court, he campaigned as if his true adversary was not a sitti=
ng justice, but rather a canon of judicial ethics.
<br><br>Minnesota's Canon 5 bars a candidate for judicial office -- incum=
bent and challenger alike -- from announcing "his or her views on dispute=
d legal or political issues."
<br><br>So the Republican-backed Wersal went to campaign appearances in 2=
000 wearing a ball and chain, or propping up a plywood cow to drive home =
his message that "even a cow knows that Canon 5 is a lot of bull."
<br><br>Wersal winces now at the retelling of his campaign antics, fearfu=
l that "it makes me sound goofy." At the time, he was often told that his=
campaign slighted the dignity of the state's highest court.
<br><br>"My response always was, 'I'll tell you what. I'll be dignified w=
hen I can discuss the issues. But with Canon 5 in place, the one thing I =
can discuss is the insanity of Canon 5,'" he says.
<br><br>On Tuesday, minus the props, a lawyer for Wersal and the Republic=
an Party will try to convince the U.S. Supreme Court of the "insanity" of=
Canon 5. The Court will hear arguments in <i>Republican Party of Minneso=
ta v. Kelly</i>, No. 01-521, a case that could hold up a mirror to the ju=
stices themselves and compel them to weigh whether and how judges are dif=
ferent from other public officials.
<br><br>The Court has given strong First Amendment protection to politica=
l speech in all other kinds of campaigns, a doctrine that may be tested a=
new as challenges to congressionally approved campaign finance reform leg=
islation race toward the high court. In the Minnesota case, it will have =
to decide whether judges are so different from other candidates that judi=
cial campaigns can be regulated in ways that would be otherwise unimagina=
ble.
<br><br>"Where else would we tolerate these restrictions on free speech?"=
asks Wersal. "We somehow get in our heads that judges are different, but=
I don't think they are. Especially at the appellate level, judges are ma=
king policy every day."
<br><br>But that notion, that judges are policy makers and politicians ju=
st like elected mayors and legislators, is anathema to a Supreme Court wh=
ose self-image places it well above the political fray. Even if the Court=
's First Amendment sympathies are with Wersal, it may feel compelled -- e=
specially in the wake of <i>Bush v. Gore</i> -- to remind the world that =
judges are, and should be perceived to be, apolitical.
<br><br>"Judges aren't politicians. They may be elected, but they are not=
politicians," says Robert O'Neil, former president of the University of =
Virginia and a former law clerk at the Supreme Court. "The idea of judges=
committing themselves to certain positions in the way that politicians w=
ould during an election is profoundly dangerous to due process."
<br><br>The fact that O'Neil, a staunch pro-First Amendment warrior who h=
eads the Thomas Jefferson Center for the Protection of Free Expression, s=
igned on to a brief against Wersal's free speech claim highlights how the=
case has scrambled the usual alignments.
<br><br>While O'Neil, the Brennan Center for Justice, the American Bar As=
sociation, and the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers argue=
in favor of restricting the speech of judicial candidates, the U.S. Cham=
ber of Commerce, the American Civil Liberties Union, the American Center =
for Law and Justice, and Public Citizen have lined up on Wersal's side.
<br><br>Public Citizen, which has advocated other kinds of restrictions o=
n judicial elections, nonetheless found Minnesota's canon too severe. "Th=
e choice to select state judges by election, whether or not wise, does no=
t justify infringing the right of judicial candidates to discuss their vi=
ews with those who will make the selection," wrote Public Citizen's Aliso=
n Zieve in a brief.
<br><br><b>ELECTION DAY</b>
<br><br>The wisdom of electing judges in the first place is one of severa=
l subtexts of the case to be argued this week. At least some judges are e=
lected in 39 states -- the product of 19th century impulses to increase t=
he independence and stature of state judiciaries. Justice Sandra Day O'Co=
nnor launched her judicial career by winning an election to a Superior Co=
urt judgeship in Maricopa County, Ariz., in 1974, making her the only cur=
rent justice to have faced a judicial election.
<br><br>But judicial campaigns have turned into big-money, special-intere=
st free-for-alls in recent years, critics say. Candidates for state supre=
me courts in 2000 raised $45 million in campaign funds, according to the =
Brennan Center, a 61 percent increase over 1998.
<br><br>With the money has come increasingly bold advertising and campaig=
n rhetoric. Stephen Bright, director of the Southern Center for Human Rig=
hts, has observed elections in the South where candidates boast that they=
are "too tough on crime" or proudly list the defendants they have senten=
ced to death. Trying to get those candidates recused from death cases onc=
e elected has not worked. "They used to campaign just on their character,=
but not anymore," says Bright.
<br><br>After years of trying unsuccessfully to swing the pendulum back t=
oward appointed judges, most reformers acknowledge that judicial election=
s are here to stay. Voters, when offered the choice, prefer electing thei=
r judges.
<br><br>"It's sticking your head in the sand to say that we can get rid o=
f judicial elections," says Georgetown University Law Center professor Ro=
y Schotland, who authored a brief on behalf of state chief justices. "So =
you have elections, but you cabin them with certain restrictions that are=
unique to judgeships."
<br><br>In almost every state that elects judges, for example, Schotland =
says judges' terms are longer than any other elected official. Judicial e=
lections in 19 states are nonpartisan, many are for retention only, and j=
udges often face training and mandatory retirement rules that do not pert=
ain to other officeholders.
<br><br>Within that context, Schotland argues that certain campaign speec=
h requirements are just another acceptable way of setting judges apart. "=
Minnesota wanted the least bad of both worlds, and they should be able to=
have it," Schotland says.
<br><br>But some say that if the citizenry has chosen to elect its judges=
, it must take the whole package, including unbridled freedom of speech f=
or its candidates.
<br><br>"By making this choice states, by definition, are turning judges =
into politicians," says University of Southern California Law School prof=
essor Erwin Chemerinsky. "Having done so, states should not be able to ke=
ep judges and judicial candidates from speaking about the key issues that=
are likely to matter to the voters."
<br><br><b>STATE RESTRICTIONS</b>
<br><br>But even Wersal and the state Republicans agree that judicial can=
didates' speech can be restricted to a limited extent. The Republicans' b=
rief, authored by James Bopp Jr. of Bopp, Coleson & Bostrom in Terre Haut=
e, Ind., acknowledges that the state is "justified" in prohibiting judici=
al candidates from actually making promises abut their conduct in office.=
<br><br>The concession is an Achilles' heel for Wersal's side, Schotland =
says: "They say the First Amendment applies like it would for other elect=
ions, but then they say it's okay to keep judicial candidates from making=
promises. Can you conceive of telling George Bush that he can't promise =
no new taxes?"
<br><br>Wersal's advocates say the concession is only a recognition that =
"the First Amendment is not absolute," in the words of Wersal's longtime =
lawyer, William Mohrman of Minneapolis' Mohrman & Kaardal. "That is a nar=
rowly tailored restriction, but Canon 5 is not narrow."
<br><br>Or is it? One potential complication in the case is that the 8th =
U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, in ruling against Wersal and the state GOP=
, construed Canon 5 narrowly, to prohibit only those statements by candid=
ates that would indicate "how they would decide issues likely to come bef=
ore them as judges." In January, the Minnesota Supreme Court adopted the =
circuit court's narrow interpretation, in effect revising Canon 5. The U.=
S. Supreme Court could decide that the case should be sent back to lower =
courts for another look in light of the new meaning of the canon.
<br><br>But some of the briefs in the case have gone to unusual lengths t=
o reach the justices and impress on them the urgency of the case.
<br><br>Minnesota Solicitor General Alan Gilbert, who will square off aga=
inst Bopp in the oral arguments, took a potentially risky tack, lacing th=
e brief with quotations from the confirmation hearings of all nine justic=
es, in which each justice spells out why it would be inappropriate for hi=
m or her to answer senators' questions about issues that could come befor=
e them.
<br><br>Quoting O'Connor at one point, Gilbert says that her comments "ex=
plain why [Canon 5] principles are necessary to protect the due process r=
ights of future litigants."
<br><br>His strategy may remind the justices why judicial impartiality is=
important. Or it may merely underscore the difference between state judg=
es and their life-tenured, nonelected federal counterparts.
<br><br>Wersal's lawyers turned the tactic back on Minnesota, asserting i=
n a reply brief that quoting the justices only highlights the overbreadth=
of the judicial canon. The justices' bland demurrals could be interprete=
d as indicating their predisposition in the case now before the Court, wh=
ich could not have been envisioned when they made their statements, Bopp =
suggests.
<br><br>Yet Supreme Court justices can be expected to approach the case o=
bjectively, in spite of their prior statements, says Bopp. "Similarly," h=
e adds, "candidates for judicial election need not remain silent on dispu=
ted legal or political issues to retain subsequent credibility in renderi=
ng future legal decisions."
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Supreme Court Eyes Limits in State Judicial Races</span><br> </td> </tr>=
<tr> <td width=3D"117"> <span class=3D"legalprofessionalsSubHeadline"> =
=
March 25, 2002 =
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Date: Mon, 25 Mar 2002 13:04:15 -0800
From: Rick Hasen <rick.hasen@lls.edu>
Subject: Pres. Bush's comments on McCain-Feingold at 3/24 news conference
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, when you return home, new
campaign finance legislation will be awaiting your signature. I wonder
if you could tell us if you're going to given your criticisms of
campaign finance legislation in the past, if you're going to sign this
bill reluctantly or whole-heartedly; what the impact you think will be
on our political system; and how you regard the impending legal
challenge to the legislation?
PRESIDENT BUSH: I sign it -- I have a kind of a firm, semi-firm
signature as it moves across the page -- (laughter). I wouldn't be
signing it if I didn't think it improved the system. And I think it
improves the system this way: One, individuals will be allowed to
contribute more to the campaigns. I've always been skeptical of a
system where monies were put into the system where people didn't
have a choice -- whether it be a labor union worker or a shareholder of
a corporation. Sometimes shareholders of corporations -- they make an
investment for hopefully a good rate of return, and yet they wake up and
realize that some CEO or somebody's made the decision to support a
political party or a candidate not of their choosing. And I've always
kind of thought that the individual ought to have a choice. And so,
therefore, the fact that the system encourages more individual
participation I think is positive.
Finally, they've raised individual limits. I also think this will help
challengers. And as much as I now love incumbency -- (laughter) -- I
think it's important to encourage challenges in the system.
I am worried about some of the provisions; I stated so in my signing
statement. One such provision was that you can't -- they're going to
try to control who can participate in the election process in the last
60 days. And we'll see whether or not that stands up. I'm going to
stay, by the way, totally apart from the legal matters.
One of the things I'm disappointed in the law is -- and again, this may
not stand a court challenge -- but I've always thought that people who
pump money into the political system, we ought to know who they are. I
was a little discouraged -- not discouraged -- I was quite discouraged
at the end of the 2000 campaign to see tons of dollars flowing into the
political campaign at the last minute, on these so-called
independent groups, and we don't know who was funding them.
And -- you know the kind of ads I'm talking about: scurrilous, untrue
ads, coming into the campaign. A so-called front group, independent.
And we don't have any idea who's putting the money in. And that's not
good for democracy.
And so I didn't particularly appreciate the fact that this campaign bill
didn't adequately address full disclosure. Now, the excuse, evidently,
was the courts won't allow it. Well, Iwould have liked to have seen
them challenge the system, to see whether the courts might allow it now
that we're going into the 21st century.
But, nevertheless, the bill is a better bill than the current system,
and I'm going to sign it. And there will be -- I take it back. It will
be a signature -- I won't hesitate. It will probably take about -- you
know, about three seconds to get to the W, I may hesitate on the
period, and then rip through the Bush. (Laughter.) Thank you.
- --
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html
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End of election-law_gl-digest V1 #172
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