election-law_gl-digest Thursday, March 28 2002 Volume 01 : Number 175
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Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 07:54:04 -0800
From: "Huennekens, Bill" <bhuennekens@secstate.wa.gov>
Subject: Blanket Primary Ruling
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Judge Franklin D. Burgess of the Western Washington Federal District Court
has upheld the Washington's Blanket Primary. A copy of the decision is
available on our WEB site at
http://secstate.wa.gov/office/news.aspx?news_id=157
<http://secstate.wa.gov/office/news.aspx?news_id=157> . The PDF file of the
case is rather large because it is a scanned copy.
Bill Huennekens
Policy Analyst
Office of the Secretary of State
Elections Division
360.902.4169
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<DIV><SPAN class=460064915-28032002><FONT size=2>Judge Franklin D. Burgess of
the Western Washington Federal District Court has upheld the Washington's
Blanket Primary. A copy of the decision is available on our WEB site
at <A
href="http://secstate.wa.gov/office/news.aspx?news_id=157">http://secstate.wa.gov/office/news.aspx?news_id=157</A>.
The PDF file of the case is rather large because it is a scanned
copy.</FONT></SPAN></DIV>
<DIV><SPAN class=460064915-28032002><FONT size=2></FONT></SPAN> </DIV>
<DIV><SPAN class=460064915-28032002></SPAN> </DIV>
<DIV><SPAN class=460064915-28032002><FONT size=2></FONT></SPAN> </DIV>
<DIV><SPAN class=460064915-28032002><FONT size=2></FONT></SPAN> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT size=2></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV>Bill Huennekens</DIV>
<DIV>Policy Analyst</DIV>
<DIV>Office of the Secretary of State</DIV>
<DIV>Elections Division</DIV>
<DIV>360.902.4169</DIV>
<DIV> </DIV></BODY></HTML>
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Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 12:04:01 -0500
From: Rick Pildes <rpildes@UMICH.EDU>
Subject: Mime-Version: 1.0
Do any of the Washington insiders or observors know whether any effort was
made during the McCain-Feingold process in either chamber to increase the
amount of public financing available in the Presidential general election,
and if not, why not? I would think the Democrats would have anticipated
that with the rise of hard money contribution caps, they would benefit from
increased public financing for the next Presidential election. I would
also think that had such a provision been included in the bill, it would
not have been enough of a problem, even for those skeptical of public
financing, to bring the bill down. If I'm right, the amounts have also not
been increased since the 1974 Act. Was there any discussion of this? Were
any of the bills sponsors too opposed to such an idea, or was the idea
never raised at all?
Rick Pildes
Professor of Law, New York University School of Law
40 Washington Sq. South
Room 322-B
New York, NY 10012-1099
also reachable at: rick.pildes@nyu.edu
o: 212 998-6377
fax: 212 995-4341
h: 212 254-4994
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 13:36:30 EST
From: Holman@aol.com
Subject: Re: public financing
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Though not privvy to any congressional negotiations, the Republic party has
long been, and Sen. McCain more recently has become, opposed to public
financing of campaigns. It seems evident that any increase in public
financing would have provided enough fodder to bring the Senate vote below
veto-proof levels.
I am not pleased with the fact that the increase in hard money contributions
without a similar increase in public financing somewhat reduces the
effectiveness of the public funding program. But I am pleased with the
overall new campaign finance law.
Craig Holman
Brennan Center for Justice
New York University
161 Avenue of the Americas
12th Floor
New York, NY 10013
TEL: 212.992.8642
FAX: 212.995.4550
Holman@aol.com
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<HTML><FONT FACE=arial,helvetica><FONT SIZE=2 FAMILY="SANSSERIF" FACE="Arial" LANG="0">Though not privvy to any congressional negotiations, the Republic party has long been, and Sen. McCain more recently has become, opposed to public financing of campaig
ns. It seems evident that any increase in public financing would have provided enough fodder to bring the Senate vote below veto-proof levels.<BR>
<BR>
I am not pleased with the fact that the increase in hard money contributions without a similar increase in public financing somewhat reduces the effectiveness of the public funding program. But I am pleased with the overall new campaign finance law.
<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
Craig Holman<BR>
Brennan Center for Justice<BR>
New York University<BR>
161 Avenue of the Americas<BR>
12th Floor<BR>
New York, NY 10013<BR>
TEL: 212.992.8642<BR>
FAX: 212.995.4550<BR>
Holman@aol.com</FONT></HTML>
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------------------------------
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 12:34:07 -0800
From: "Larry Levine" <larrylevine@earthlink.net>
Subject: Reapportionment
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We are facing an apparent conflict regarding reapportionment of City =
Council Districts and I am looking for any insights, guidance, etc. =
Here's how it scopes out: LA City Charter says councilmember are elected =
for four-year terms. Half the council stands for election every two =
years. The charter dictates a reapportionment every 10 years commencing =
in 2002 and says "the Council shall by ordinance redraw district lines =
to be used for all elections of Council members, including their recall =
and for filling any vacancy in the office of member of the Council after =
the effective date of the redistricting ordinance." Now comes the =
question of representation. Even numbered council seats are scheduled =
for elections in the Spring of 2003. Clearly, the new district lines =
will be used for that election and those elected will represent those =
new districts. But what of those who currently hold office in the odd =
numbered districts. To meet the terms of the Charter, the voting rights =
act, etc., some of those odd-number council seats will be significantly =
reconfigured. Most locally have assumed the councilmember will follow =
the number to the new territory. This poses two questions: 1 -can those =
voters who elected a council member to a four year term be deprived that =
representation by that person before the term has run; and 2 - can a =
councilmember be assigned to represent voters in an area in which he/she =
has never stood for office. In some cases this could result in a =
territorial sift between two odd-numbered councilmembers. To not shift =
the councilmembers to the newly-numbered odd number seats, however, =
would result in some residents being represented by two councilmembers =
for two years while others in the new even districts might have no =
representation for that same two years until elections are held in the =
odd numbered districts.
I invite any and all comments. The chair of the Council reapportionment =
committee has asked that I assist him in the process. Thank you.
Larry Levine
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<BODY bgColor=3D#ffffff>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial size=3D3>We are facing an apparent conflict =
regarding=20
reapportionment of City Council Districts and I am looking for any =
insights,=20
guidance, etc. Here's how it scopes out: LA City Charter says=20
councilmember are elected for four-year terms. Half the council stands =
for=20
election every two years. The charter dictates a reapportionment every =
10 years=20
commencing in 2002 and says "the Council shall by ordinance redraw =
district=20
lines to be used for all elections of Council members, including their =
recall=20
and for filling any vacancy in the office of member of the Council after =
the=20
effective date of the redistricting ordinance." Now comes the question =
of=20
representation. Even numbered council seats are scheduled for elections =
in the=20
Spring of 2003. Clearly, the new district lines will be used for that =
election=20
and those elected will represent those new districts. But what of those =
who=20
currently hold office in the odd numbered districts. To meet the terms =
of the=20
Charter, the voting rights act, etc., some of those odd-number council =
seats=20
will be significantly reconfigured. Most locally have assumed the =
councilmember=20
will follow the number to the new territory. This poses two questions: 1 =
- -can=20
those voters who elected a council member to a four year term be =
deprived that=20
representation by that person before the term has run; and 2 - can a=20
councilmember be assigned to represent voters in an area in which he/she =
has=20
never stood for office. In some cases this could result in a territorial =
sift=20
between two odd-numbered councilmembers. To not shift=20
the councilmembers to the newly-numbered odd number seats, =
however,=20
would result in some residents being represented by two =
councilmembers for=20
two years while others in the new even districts might have no=20
representation for that same two years until elections are held in the =
odd=20
numbered districts.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial>I invite any and all comments. The chair of the =
Council=20
reapportionment committee has asked that I assist him in the process. =
Thank=20
you.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face=3DArial>Larry Levine</FONT></DIV></BODY></HTML>
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------------------------------
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 15:38:52 -0500
From: David Lublin <DLUBLIN@american.edu>
Subject: Re: Rick's Question
I am a DC insider only in the sense that I work in DC. (I even live inside the
evil Beltway.) However, this appears to me to be one of those classic
exercises of power without much in the way of visible evidence (a la Bachrach
and Baratz's "Two Faces of Power"). The GOP never would have allowed an
increase in public financing of the presidential elections. Without anyone
needing to say a word, it was rather obvious that this might provoke a
presidential veto or the loss of GOP support to pass a bill in the House or
invoke cloture in the Senate. In any case, the GOP is philosophically opposed
to the idea (and after watching the Reform Party money chase in 2000, one
wonders if they are on to something). More importantly, it would erode Bush's
likely incredible monetary advantage by his ability and willingness to play
outside the system
Regards,
David Lublin
American University
dlublin@american.edu
202-885-2913
Rick Pildes wrote:
Do any of the Washington insiders or observors know whether any effort was
made during the McCain-Feingold process in either chamber to increase the
amount of public financing available in the Presidential general election,
and if not, why not? I would think the Democrats would have anticipated
that with the rise of hard money contribution caps, they would benefit from
increased public financing for the next Presidential election. I would
also think that had such a provision been included in the bill, it would
not have been enough of a problem, even for those skeptical of public
financing, to bring the bill down. If I'm right, the amounts have also not
been increased since the 1974 Act. Was there any discussion of this? Were
any of the bills sponsors too opposed to such an idea, or was the idea
never raised at all?
Rick Pildes
Professor of Law, New York University School of Law
40 Washington Sq. South
Room 322-B
New York, NY 10012-1099
also reachable at: rick.pildes@nyu.edu
o: 212 998-6377
fax: 212 995-4341
h: 212 254-4994
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 12:39:26 -0800
From: Rick Hasen <rick.hasen@lls.edu>
Subject: Let Judicial Candidates Speak
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Here's an oped from today's NY Times on the Republican Party
v. Kelly case.
http://www.nytimes.com/2002/03/28/opinion/28GILL.html
- --
Rick Hasen
Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow
Loyola Law School
919 South Albany Street
Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211
(213)736-1466 - voice
(213)380-3769 - fax
rick.hasen@lls.edu
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html
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<meta name=3D"BY_LINE" content=3D"By STEPHEN GILLERS">
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</td></tr><tr><td align=3D"left" valign=3D"top"> <p></p> <p></p> <NY=
T_DATE><font size=3D"-1"><strong>March 28, 2002</strong></font><br></NYT_=
DATE><NYT_KICKER></NYT_KICKER><NYT_HEADLINE version=3D"1.0" type=3D" "><=
h2>Let Judicial Candidates Speak</h2></NYT_HEADLINE><NYT_BYLINE version=3D=
"1.0" type=3D" "><h5>By STEPHEN GILLERS</h5></NYT_BYLINE><NYT_LINKS_ONSIT=
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height=3D"20" align=3D"left" valign=3D"middle"><font face=3D"Arial, Helve=
tica, sans-serif" size=3D"1">Minnesota</font></td><td width=3D"3"><IMG sr=
c=3D"http://graphics4.nytimes.com/images/misc/spacer.gif" width=3D"3" hei=
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MG src=3D"http://graphics4.nytimes.com/images/misc/spacer.gif" width=3D"1=
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cccc"><IMG src=3D"http://graphics4.nytimes.com/images/misc/spacer.gif" wi=
dth=3D"1" height=3D"1" border=3D"0"/></td><td width=3D"5"><IMG src=3D"htt=
p://graphics4.nytimes.com/images/misc/spacer.gif" width=3D"5" height=3D"1=
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n=3D"middle"><font face=3D"Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif" size=3D"1">Judge=
s</font></td><td width=3D"3"><IMG src=3D"http://graphics4.nytimes.com/ima=
ges/misc/spacer.gif" width=3D"3" height=3D"1" border=3D"0"/></td><td widt=
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es/misc/spacer.gif" width=3D"1" height=3D"1" border=3D"0"/></td><td width=
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idth=3D"3" height=3D"1" border=3D"0"/></td><td width=3D"61" align=3D"cent=
er" valign=3D"middle"><input type=3D"image" name=3D"topic2_check" value=3D=
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ccccc"><IMG src=3D"http://graphics4.nytimes.com/images/misc/spacer.gif" w=
idth=3D"1" height=3D"1" border=3D"0"/></td></tr><tr><td colspan=3D"8" wid=
th=3D"184" bgcolor=3D"#cccccc"><IMG src=3D"http://graphics4.nytimes.com/i=
mages/misc/spacer.gif" width=3D"1" height=3D"1" border=3D"0"/></td></tr><=
tr><td width=3D"1" bgcolor=3D"#cccccc"><IMG src=3D"http://graphics4.nytim=
es.com/images/misc/spacer.gif" width=3D"1" height=3D"1" border=3D"0"/></t=
d><td width=3D"5"><IMG src=3D"http://graphics4.nytimes.com/images/misc/sp=
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eight=3D"20" align=3D"left" valign=3D"middle"><font face=3D"Arial, Helvet=
ica, sans-serif" size=3D"1">Elections</font></td><td width=3D"3"><IMG src=
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td></tr><tr><td colspan=3D"8" width=3D"184" bgcolor=3D"#cccccc"><IMG src=3D=
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"0"/></td><td width=3D"109" height=3D"20" align=3D"left" valign=3D"middle=
"><font face=3D"Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif" size=3D"1">Freedom of Speec=
h and Expression</font></td><td width=3D"3"><IMG src=3D"http://graphics4.=
nytimes.com/images/misc/spacer.gif" width=3D"3" height=3D"1" border=3D"0"=
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t it aptly describes an appeal the Supreme Court heard this week. The app=
eal asks whether Minnesota's restriction on the campaign statements of ju=
dicial candidates violates the First Amendment guarantee of free speech. =
</P> <P> It surely does. It also insults the public by implying that vote=
rs can't be trusted with information. And besides, it's unworkable.</P> <=
P> Most states that elect judges, including New York, rely on an American=
Bar Association rule that forbids candidates for the bench to make state=
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=2E Supporters of the gag rule argue that a judge's only job is to interp=
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s in lower courts, we should let selection panels pick judges. But contes=
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candidates are silenced.</P> <P> Others remain free to tell voters what a=
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t candidates, we recognize that they are telling us the candidates' posit=
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hemes. The gag rule cannot silence candidates who have not yet announced =
their candidacy. And a sitting judge anticipating a re-election battle ca=
n load his opinions with views that might increase his chances when he ru=
ns for election later.</P> <P> It won't be easy to draw the line between =
a promise of particular rulings, which we should continue to forbid, and =
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have tackled tougher jobs to protect free speech values and can handle th=
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- --------------1A82A921D136632712DFD9EC--
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 15:55:29 EST
From: FredWooch@aol.com
Subject: Re: Reapportionment
- --part1_14d.b506727.29d4dd41_boundary
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="US-ASCII"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit
Larry:
I have not looked into the specifics of the LA City Charter to determine
whether, as a matter of construction of the language of that charter, any
different result would be required, but the general issue you raise -- that
of the effect of reapportionment on "staggered" terms -- is one that has been
addressed in a number of cases (both state and federal in California), all of
which seem to concur that there is no constitutional problem in maintaining
the staggered terms following reapportionment, such that some people will be
able to vote for their representative after two years and others not for 6
years, and that some find themselves effectively with two representatives for
the 2-year "stagger" period while others find themselves with no
representative that they have elected.
I would note that your quotation from the LA City Charter language is
interesting, however, in that the general rule is that vacancies that occur
following a redistricting are filled using the boundaries that existed prior
to the redistricting, not using the new boundaries. In other words, the term
of office is set at the time the initial election was held, and those same
boundaries are then used for any elections held during that term of office,
even if the district had been reapportioned in the meantime.
This issue has arisen in Santa Barbara County, where a recall has been
launched against a county supervisor who was elected in 2000 under "old"
boundaries that were subsequently modified somewhat in 2001 when the county
redistricted its supervisorial districts. The question is whether the people
in her "old" or "new" boundaries should get to sign the recall petitions and
vote in any election that might be held. My understanding is that the County
has at least tentatively ruled that the old boundaries must be used, and that
the new boundaries do not kick in until the seat is up for regular election
again in 2004.
Fredric D. Woocher
Strumwasser & Woocher LLP
(310) 576-1233
- --part1_14d.b506727.29d4dd41_boundary
Content-Type: text/html; charset="US-ASCII"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit
<HTML><FONT FACE=arial,helvetica><FONT SIZE=2>Larry:<BR>
<BR>
I have not looked into the specifics of the LA City Charter to determine whether, as a matter of construction of the language of that charter, any different result would be required, but the general issue you raise -- that of the effect of reapportionment
on "staggered" terms -- is one that has been addressed in a number of cases (both state and federal in California), all of which seem to concur that there is no <I>constitutional</I> problem in maintaining the staggered terms following reapportionment, s
uch that some people will be able to vote for their representative after two years and others not for 6 years, and that some find themselves effectively with two representatives for the 2-year "stagger" period while others find themselves with no represen
tative that they have elected.<BR>
<BR>
I would note that your quotation from the LA City Charter language is interesting, however, in that the general rule is that vacancies that occur following a redistricting are filled using the boundaries that existed prior to the redistricting, not using
the new boundaries. In other words, the term of office is set at the time the initial election was held, and those same boundaries are then used for any elections held during that term of office, even if the district had been reapportioned in the me
antime.<BR>
<BR>
This issue has arisen in Santa Barbara County, where a recall has been launched against a county supervisor who was elected in 2000 under "old" boundaries that were subsequently modified somewhat in 2001 when the county redistricted its supervisorial dist
ricts. The question is whether the people in her "old" or "new" boundaries should get to sign the recall petitions and vote in any election that might be held. My understanding is that the County has at least tentatively ruled that the old bou
ndaries must be used, and that the new boundaries do not kick in until the seat is up for regular election again in 2004.<BR>
<BR>
Fredric D. Woocher<BR>
Strumwasser & Woocher LLP<BR>
(310) 576-1233</FONT></HTML>
- --part1_14d.b506727.29d4dd41_boundary--
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 16:22:29 -0500
From: Rick Pildes <rpildes@UMICH.EDU>
Subject: Re: Rick's Question
- --=====================_1207175997==_.ALT
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"; format=flowed
David:
I realize it would be in Bush's interest to raise public financing in
presidential elections, but for that reason, it would have been in the
Democrats interest to press for this. As a freestanding matter, such a
provision would of course not get enacted. My question was whether, if
such a provision were bundled with the rest of McCain-Feingold, would Bush
have been able to get away with vetoing the entire bill because of this
particular provision. The answer might be that enough reform advocates,
particuarly McCain, would have been against this though that it could not
even have successfully been pressed inside Congress.
Rick
At 03:38 PM 3/28/2002 -0500, David Lublin wrote:
I am a DC insider only in the sense that I work in DC. (I even live
inside the
evil Beltway.) However, this appears to me to be one of those classic
exercises of power without much in the way of visible evidence (a la Bachrach
and Baratz's "Two Faces of Power"). The GOP never would have allowed an
increase in public financing of the presidential elections. Without anyone
needing to say a word, it was rather obvious that this might provoke a
presidential veto or the loss of GOP support to pass a bill in the House or
invoke cloture in the Senate. In any case, the GOP is philosophically opposed
to the idea (and after watching the Reform Party money chase in 2000, one
wonders if they are on to something). More importantly, it would erode Bush's
likely incredible monetary advantage by his ability and willingness to play
outside the system
Regards,
David Lublin
American University
dlublin@american.edu
202-885-2913
Rick Pildes wrote:
Do any of the Washington insiders or observors know whether any effort was
made during the McCain-Feingold process in either chamber to increase the
amount of public financing available in the Presidential general election,
and if not, why not? I would think the Democrats would have anticipated
that with the rise of hard money contribution caps, they would benefit from
increased public financing for the next Presidential election. I would
also think that had such a provision been included in the bill, it would
not have been enough of a problem, even for those skeptical of public
financing, to bring the bill down. If I'm right, the amounts have also not
been increased since the 1974 Act. Was there any discussion of this? Were
any of the bills sponsors too opposed to such an idea, or was the idea
never raised at all?
Rick Pildes
Professor of Law, New York University School of Law
40 Washington Sq. South
Room 322-B
New York, NY 10012-1099
also reachable at: rick.pildes@nyu.edu
o: 212 998-6377
fax: 212 995-4341
h: 212 254-4994
Rick Pildes
Professor of Law, New York University School of Law
40 Washington Sq. South
Room 322-B
New York, NY 10012-1099
also reachable at: rick.pildes@nyu.edu
o: 212 998-6377
fax: 212 995-4341
h: 212 254-4994
- --=====================_1207175997==_.ALT
Content-Type: text/html; charset="us-ascii"
<html>
<font size=3>David:<br>
I realize it would be in Bush's interest to raise public financing in
presidential elections, but for that reason, it would have been in the
Democrats interest to press for this. As a freestanding matter,
such a provision would of course not get enacted. My question was
whether, if such a provision were bundled with the rest of
McCain-Feingold, would Bush have been able to get away with vetoing the
entire bill because of this particular provision. The answer might
be that enough reform advocates, particuarly McCain, would have been
against this though that it could not even have successfully been pressed
inside Congress.<br>
<br>
Rick<br>
<br>
<br>
At 03:38 PM 3/28/2002 -0500, David Lublin wrote:<br>
<blockquote type=cite cite>I am a DC insider only in the sense that I
work in DC. (I even live inside the<br>
evil Beltway.) However, this appears to me to be one of those
classic<br>
exercises of power without much in the way of visible evidence (a la
Bachrach<br>
and Baratz's "Two Faces of Power"). The GOP never would
have allowed an<br>
increase in public financing of the presidential elections. Without
anyone<br>
needing to say a word, it was rather obvious that this might provoke
a<br>
presidential veto or the loss of GOP support to pass a bill in the House
or<br>
invoke cloture in the Senate. In any case, the GOP is
philosophically opposed<br>
to the idea (and after watching the Reform Party money chase in 2000,
one<br>
wonders if they are on to something). More importantly, it would
erode Bush's<br>
likely incredible monetary advantage by his ability and willingness to
play<br>
outside the system<br>
<br>
Regards,<br>
David Lublin<br>
American University<br>
dlublin@american.edu<br>
202-885-2913<br>
<br>
Rick Pildes wrote:<br>
<br>
> Do any of the Washington insiders or observors know whether any
effort was<br>
> made during the McCain-Feingold process in either chamber to
increase the<br>
> amount of public financing available in the Presidential general
election,<br>
> and if not, why not? I would think the Democrats would have
anticipated<br>
> that with the rise of hard money contribution caps, they would
benefit from<br>
> increased public financing for the next Presidential election.
I would<br>
> also think that had such a provision been included in the bill, it
would<br>
> not have been enough of a problem, even for those skeptical of
public<br>
> financing, to bring the bill down. If I'm right, the amounts
have also not<br>
> been increased since the 1974 Act. Was there any discussion of
this? Were<br>
> any of the bills sponsors too opposed to such an idea, or was the
idea<br>
> never raised at all?<br>
><br>
> Rick Pildes<br>
> Professor of Law, New York University School of Law<br>
> 40 Washington Sq. South<br>
> Room 322-B<br>
> New York, NY 10012-1099<br>
> also reachable at: rick.pildes@nyu.edu<br>
> o: 212 998-6377<br>
> fax: 212 995-4341<br>
> h: 212 254-4994 </font></blockquote><br>
<br>
<br>
<div>Rick
Pildes<x-tab> </x-tab><x-tab> </x-tab><x-tab> </x-tab><x-tab> </x-tab>
</div>
<div>Professor of Law, New York University School of
Law<x-tab> </x-tab> </div>
<div>40 Washington Sq. South</div>
<div>Room 322-B</div>
<div>New York, NY 10012-1099</div>
<div>also reachable at: rick.pildes@nyu.edu</div>
<div>o: 212 998-6377</div>
<div>fax: 212 995-4341</div>
<div>h: 212
254-4994<x-tab> </x-tab><x-tab> </x-tab><x-tab> </x-tab><x-tab> </x
-tab><x-tab> </x-tab></div>
</html>
- --=====================_1207175997==_.ALT--
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 14:10:48 -0800
From: "Paul Ryan" <pryan@cgs.org>
Subject: Ballot Access
The County of Missoula Montana's Board of Supervisors is composed of three
supervisors elected at-large. However, each of the three supervisors
represents one of three districts. A candidate for a seat on the board must
reside in the district represented by that seat.
Is such a system of at-large elections for district representatives
vulnerable to any legal challenges by a candidate under federal or Montana
state law? Specifically, is the district residency requirement vulnerable
to legal challenge. (I realize this is the reverse of a typical VRA
challenge to at-large elections.)
A friend of mine was planning to run for a seat on the board this year. But
the newly-drawn districts place her three blocks out of district she's lived
in for ten years. She has no option to run this year in the district she
now lives in, because elections for the three seats are staggered and the
representative for the district she now lives in will not be elected until
2004.
Furthermore, the county has a two year district residency requirement for
candidates. Has any court struck down a two year residency requirement as
overly-restrictive?
Any advice or references to cases I should read would be greatly
appreciated. Thanks.
********************
Paul Ryan
Project Director
Center for Governmental Studies
10951 West Pico Blvd., Suite 120
Los Angeles, CA 90064
Ph. (310) 470-6590 ext. 115
Fax (310) 475-3752
pryan@cgs.org
http://www.cgs.org
********************
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 18:00:56 EST
From: FredWooch@aol.com
Subject: Re: Ballot Access
Paul:
The two-year district residency requirement would seem to be quite
vulnerable. I can dig up the cites for you, but the California Supreme Court
has held, I believe, that anything longer than a 30-day residency requirement
(prior to the date for filing nomination papers) is unconstitutional. I
would have to check to see whether this was under the state or federal
constitutions.
Fredric D. Woocher
Strumwasser & Woocher LLP
(310) 576-1233
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 28 Mar 2002 18:02:06 -0800
From: "George Waters" <George@olsonhagel.com>
Subject: Re: Ballot Access
3 helpful california cases are:
See Zeilenga v. Nelson, 4 Cal.3d 716 (1971) (invalidating a five-year residency requirement for candidates seeking the office of county board of supervisors); Camara v. Mellon, 4 Cal.3d 714 (1971) (invalidating three-year residency requirement for candida
tes seeking city council); Thompson, 9 Cal.3d at 107 (1973) (invalidating two-year requirement for candidates seeking city council).
the last case, thompson, interprets the federal constitution as requiring strict scrutiny analysis for durational requirements for candicacy for public office.
the applicability of this 30 years later in montana i leave to others.
george waters
olson, hagel, waters & fishburn
555 capitol mall, suite 1425
sacramento, ca 95814
916/442-2952
916/442-1280 (fax)
george@olsonhagel.com
<FredWooch@aol.com> 03/28 3:00 PM >>>
Paul:
The two-year district residency requirement would seem to be quite
vulnerable. I can dig up the cites for you, but the California Supreme Court
has held, I believe, that anything longer than a 30-day residency requirement
(prior to the date for filing nomination papers) is unconstitutional. I
would have to check to see whether this was under the state or federal
constitutions.
Fredric D. Woocher
Strumwasser & Woocher LLP
(310) 576-1233
------------------------------
End of election-law_gl-digest V1 #175
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