Subject: Re: Judicial Ideology and Recall Litigation - Where's the Connection?
From: Rick Hasen
Date: 9/23/2003, 12:13 PM
To: rafferty@alumni.princeton.edu
CC: election-law@majordomo.lls.edu
Reply-to:
rick.hasen@mail.lls.edu

Scott,
I think many of your points are well taken.  I meant only to counter the charge (made by other commentators) that judges should be chosen only on questions of "competence," without regard to ideology.  I believe that ideology must be a component of the determination, because ideology colors decisionmaking---sometimes even at a subconscious level.  Of course, this is true of all of us as well.  Cass Sunstein has a wonderful piece in "The Vote" using the psychological literature to show how one's views of Bush v. Gore seem to correlate pretty well with ideology.  This is not to impugn anyone's motives, but to say that if judges are going to make decisions in the background of their own ideology, ideology should be relevant for the confirmation process.

I now regret including the post on judicial ideology in my message to the listserv, because I think the issue is too tangential to discussion on this list.  But I welcome further dialog in private messages on this topic, and I will continue to cover it on the blog.

Rick

Scott J. Rafferty wrote:

Rick Hasen wrote:

The recall, Bush v. Gore, and Miguel Estrada What do these three topics have in common? The connection between the first to is obvious to readers of this blog, but what about the third? Miguel Estrada, of course, is a Washington lawyer who recently withdrew his nomination for a judgeship on the United States Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. He did so in the face of a relentless filibuster by Democrats. Some of those who opposed the filibuster said that it was unfair, and among those who said that, some argued that the ideology of the judge should be irrelevant to the decision whether or not to confirm the judge---the only question should be one of judicial competence, at least on the Court of Appeals.
The recall litigation in the Ninth Circuit should end any serious discussion of the irrelevance of ideology to the confirmation process. How is it that most knowlelgeable observers were able to handicap the chances that the three judge panel would reverse the district court in the punch card recall suit? How is it that knowledgeable observers now predict that the three judge court decision will be overturned? Those knowledgeable observers know the ideological leanings of the appellate judges and therefore can extrapolate about how sympathetic these judges are likely to be to the equal protection claims of voters using punch cards, compared to state interests in a speedy recall election. Of course ideology matters, and of course it should be relevant in confirmation decisions of intermediate appellate court judges.

I’m confused about what you are saying here, Rick.  Your conclusion that “of course ideology matters” suggests that the current debate about the proper standards for judicial nominations and confirmation is somehow trivial.  You also seem to be impugning the objectivity and/or fairness of the Ninth Circuit en banc panel before the fact.  I am not sure that either conclusion is well supported.

Although I favor the panel’s decision, it does raise some significant issues that any reviewing judge – “ideological” or not – would have to confront.  Perhaps it would be prudent to wait until the opinion, or at least the argument, before concluding that the decision process was driven by “ideology” rather that “competent” adjudication.  Certainly, the mere fact that newspapers, which may or may not be “knowledgeable,” are predicting an outcome is not sufficient to brand any or all of the judges on the en banc panel as “ideologues.”

A further problem with your logic is the assumption that the decision *only* involves weighing equal protection claims against a purported state interest in a speedy recall.  There are significant procedural issues about the role of a federal court in issuing injunctions, as well as the standard of review used by the panel, that are completely *neutral* as to ideology.  It is entirely possible that one or more of the judges will decide the case on principled grounds that will contravene not only his personal political inclinations, but also his substantive views on the equal protection clause.  The questions at argument – and the opinion – may shed light on whether these particular judges articulate and act upon principle or whether they are slaves to “ideologies.”

In the case of Miguel Estrada, there was overwhelming evidence that he allowed his political ideology to dictate both his treatment of parties and the decisions he issued.   His nomination was a threat both to the ideological “balance” of the judiciary and the public’s perception that the judiciary is capable of enforcing the law according to a coherent judicial framework that respects legislative and constitutional processes.  The debate over the proper standards for confirmation is complex, particularly when presidents from one party nominate significant numbers of partisans over an extended period of time and Senators perceive a cumulative imbalance.  It would certainly be tragic if every Senator voted on every judicial nominated based on his or her presumed ideology, constrained only by the political realities of the confirmation process.  However, where individual nominees manifest ideologies that interfere with judicial objectivity, or where the overall make-up of the judiciary is out-of-step with Congress (as it was during the New Deal), the ideology of judicial nominees will be a “relevant” factor in the confirmation process.

I don’t think the outcome of the ACLU case will provide any great epiphanies in this long-standing debate.

 


-- 
Professor Rick Hasen
Loyola Law School
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