Subject: news of the day 1/20/04 |
From: Rick Hasen |
Date: 1/20/2004, 6:00 AM |
To: election-law |
The Hill offers this report.
And on the same topic as this post, The
Hill offers In Michigan,
Dems Bring Booth to Voters.
See this
report in USA Today. See also Electronic-Voting
Critics Get Unusual Support from Labor in the Oakland Tribune.
Pam Karlan has posted to SSRN Convictions
and Doubts: Retribution, Representation, and the Dispute Over Felon
Disenfranchisement. Here is the abstract:
This essay discusses some of the causes and consequences for the way in which we now approach the question of criminal disenfranchisement. Parts I and II suggest that the terms of the contemporary debate reflect an underlying change both in how we conceive the right to vote and in how we understand the fundamental nature of criminal disenfranchisement. Once voting is understood as a fundamental right, rather than as a state-created privilege, the essentially punitive nature of criminal disenfranchisement statutes becomes undeniable. And once the right to vote is cast in group terms, rather than in purely individual ones, criminal disenfranchisement statutes are seen not only to deny the vote to particular individuals but also to dilute the voting strength of identifiable communities and to affect election outcomes and legislative policy choices. The 2000 presidential election and the popular and scholarly discussion that followed the debacle in Florida powerfully demonstrated the outcome-determinative effects of criminal disenfranchisement laws even as the 2000 census drove home other representational consequences of the mass incarceration that triggers much of the disenfranchisement. Felon disenfranchisement cases offer an attractive vehicle for courts concerned with the staggering burdens the war on drugs and significantly disparate incarceration rates have imposed on the minority community. The legitimacy of criminal punishment depends on the legitimacy of the process that produces and enforces the criminal law. The legitimacy of that process in turn depends on the ability of citizens to participate equally in choosing the officials who enact and administer criminal punishment. Lifetime disenfranchisement of ex-offenders short circuits this process in a pernicious and self-reinforcing way.
Part III suggests that if we conclude that criminal disenfranchisement statutes are essentially punitive, rather than regulatory - as I think we must - this opens an additional legal avenue for attacking such laws beyond the equal protection- and Voting Rights Act-based challenges that courts are now entertaining. Blanket disenfranchisement statutes also raise serious questions under the Eighth Amendment, given the Supreme Court's recent decisions in Atkins v. Virginia and Ewing v. California.
Marc Cooper has written this column on
campaign finance, which originally appeared in the L.A. Weekly.
Today's issue features House
Trio to offer D.C. Voting Rights Bill in 2004, G.O.P.
Texas Makeover Well Underway, and Bauer
Updates Book on Soft-Money Rules. Paid subscription required to
access these articles.
See this
Los Angeles Times article
on a Carson, California election contest, which begins: "On election
day last March, Julie Raber, then a candidate for the Carson City
Council, was so grateful to poll workers that she donned her Sunday
best and passed out cinnamon cookies at voting stations throughout the
city. Raber won her seat by 181 votes, out of nearly 17,000 cast. But
now her opponent in that race, bail bondswoman and former City
Councilwoman Vera DeWitt, is alleging in a civil lawsuit that the
snickerdoodle giveaway amounted to a crime in a city with a history of
municipal scandals."
-- Rick Hasen Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow Loyola Law School 919 South Albany Street Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211 (213)736-1466 (213)380-3769 - fax rick.hasen@lls.edu http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html http://electionlawblog.org