Subject: news of the day 2/18/04 |
From: Rick Hasen |
Date: 2/18/2004, 7:47 AM |
To: election-law |
On
February 4, the First Circuit held an en banc oral argument in a very
important case under section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. The Providence
Journal article on the argument is here.
A reader also sent along the following comments:
There are six active judges in the First Circuit. Judge Stahl, who is a senior judge, also sat on the bench as a member of the original panel, but my understanding is that he does not have a vote. Judges Torruella and Howard asked no questions.
There were quite a few fact-related questions, most of which I won’t repeat. There were, though, some interesting lines of back and forth questioning of defendants from Stahl, Selya, and Lynch focusing on the fact that the city as a whole is over 50% minority (combined 12.7% black, 30% Hispanic, and 5.9% Asian, as against 45.8% white), but only one minority candidate (a Hispanic) was elected to the Senate out of six districts. Selya pointed out that four of those six districts were majority-minority, but all of them were mixed minority – that is, none had a majority of either black or Hispanic voters Defendants said that it was mathematically impossible to draw any more than one such district (which would be Hispanic), and that they thought it was better to have several with Hispanic populations over 40% than one packed district. Judge Lynch responded by saying that plaintiffs had alleged a plan with a majority-Hispanic district, a black ability-to-elect district, and a Hispanic ability-to-elect district, so that plans were available which did not remove blacks’ opportunity to elect as the adopted plan did. Defendants responded that the issue of this case is not whether there could be a better plan, but whether this plan is good enough.
Judges Lipez and Boudin each had one main question that they asked
of each side.
Lipez asked each party about the connection between the first and third
prong, and the fact that greater crossover voting reduced bloc voting.
Plaintiffs responded that the first prong is related to the
illustrative district, while prong 3 is about the district that was
actually drawn. Judge Selya seemed to me to scoff at this. Lipez asked
defendants about it and seemed skeptical too, but maybe that was just
rhetorical. Defendants said this interpretation was mistaken, but in
any event in this case, where 20-24% of the voters have to cross over,
it was irrelevant, because even on plaintiffs’ theory their claim
should fail. On rebuttal, plaintiffs returned to the point and made the
argument that unless their interpretation is correct “logically you
could never have a VRA Section 2 claim because you would have to prove
simultaneously that you both can and can’t be elected.”
Judge Boudin asked about how the totality of the circumstances analysis would work if plaintiffs got past the Gingles preconditions. Plaintiffs reeled off some facts that they would show as part of this analysis, including the process by which the lines were drawn, socioeconomic factors, past official discrimination, etc. Defendants tried not to answer, but Boudin pinned them down (Boudin: “Congress wrote [totality of the circumstances] in the statute, we shouldn’t treat that as something amazing!”). Defendants then ran through the Senate factors.
The other interesting points of contention were the role of evidence concerning intentional discrimination and past African-American electoral success. Judge Selya wanted to know how intentional discrimination fit into the plaintiffs’ case and pointed to what he said was an absence of a pleading of intentional discrimination. Plaintiffs argued that facts showing intent were probative of the Section 2 claim, and that they made no 14th Amendment claim. Plaintiffs also argued that the past record of African-American electoral success and the fact that there was still a significant African-American population made their case different from some others dismissed on 12(b)(6). Judge Lynch also pointed out that this history is easier to demonstrate at the pleading stage in a single-member scenario than in multiple-member cases, and plaintiffs added that this helps distinguish Valdestino & Perez. On the history, Judge Lynch pressed defendants as to why pleading that 26% black district with a historically proven ability to elect was not enough to pass 12(b)(6). Defendants referred to the change in district sizes that happened at the same time as redistricting, but mostly adhered to the “26% is just not enough” theme.
The last point of interest was something that wasn't discussed. No questioner took up the plaintiffs' suggestions from their brief that the court could order a prudential remand without deciding the legal question. I thought this was the type of thing the First Circuit might jump at -- it is a somewhat conflict-averse court. Part of the problem may be that there is a pending case in the District of Massachusetts that turns on the same legal issues as Metts, with trial complete, and Judge Selya is on the three-judge panel there. So there may be an effort to settle the question in Metts so that the Massachusetts case can go forward.
Today is the one year anniversary of the "Election Law Blog." My
first post,
on February 18, 2003, read as follows:
Much of my attention in the last year was devoted to the McCain-Feingold (BCRA) litigation and the California recall litigation. Because I ended up getting involved in both cases by filing pro bono amicus briefs, making sure I did an adequate job of disclosing my role while blogging presented something of a challenge. Part of my role here is akin to that of a journalist; part of it, as an academic commentator on election law issues. Even that line creates a blurring of the appropriate role not taking into account the litigation question.
In terms of the number of people reached, the Sitemeter site says that as of this instant there have been 114,265 visits to the site, with 170,527 pages viewed. (Howard Bashman tells me that Sitemeter appears to undercount the number of site visits, at least compared to other counters.) These numbers do not include the 300+ people per day on the election law listserv who receive a daily e-mail from me containing most of my blog posts. These numbers are puny compared to some other law-related blogs that cover broader areas of the law. They exceed any expectations I had when I began this blog a year ago.
It is, as one can imagine, exhausting to keep up the blog. It takes
between 30 minutes and 2 hours on a "slow day," and tends to consume my
whole day when there is a major development in election law. I am not
sure how long I will continue to blog (sometimes blogging is great fun,
and other times it feels like an unwanted burden), though I have no
plans right now to stop doing so. If you have any suggestions for
improvements, please send me an e-mail.
The Washington Post offers this
editorial on the 527 issue before the Federal Election Commission
today.
The Hill offers this report. Be
sure not to miss the following from the article:
That implies that Smith is ready to switch his stance on 527s to ensure that the commission issues a preliminary ruling one way or the other on shadow party structures.
A.P. offers this
report. Thanks to David Ettinger for the pointer.
This is the topic of today's "Talk of the Nation" on NPR. Here
is the audio link.
-- Rick Hasen Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow Loyola Law School 919 South Albany Street Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211 (213)736-1466 (213)380-3769 - fax rick.hasen@lls.edu http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html http://electionlawblog.org