Subject: blogging election law news: a response to Bauer |
From: Rick Hasen |
Date: 5/20/2004, 11:15 AM |
To: "Bauer, Bob-WDC" <RBauer@perkinscoie.com> |
CC: election-law <election-law@majordomo.lls.edu> |
Reply-to: rick.hasen@mail.lls.edu |
Not one to complain: but I cannot help but try to remedy the difference between the Ornstein/Mann posting, and the Broder posting. The one is excerpted at some length, and the other is posted, then followed by a rebuttal, and a caustic one, from a reader.I increasingly hear from reform supporters that they did after all separate officeholders from the soft money. And indeed they did. In return, the law invited them to follow the Bush campaign in raising hundreds of millions of dollars, by the hands of Pioneers and Rangers and the like, and decline the public funding process, So now, if one is to take the corruption argument seriously, one can take little comfort in the fact that a federal elected officials cannot raise raise $100,000 from a corporation, but instead pursue the same amount through the individual efforts of one of its executives.The "fundraising race" goes on, unabated, not because this law, in some way specific to it, has failed to curb it, but because fundraising races follow politics and not the dictates of legislators and think-tanks.Another mistaken prediction only months ago: that negative campaigns would be limited by the "stand by your ad" requirement. Senator McCain even took to the floor to celebrate this turn of events. This position might still seem plausible to someone without access to electricity or struggling with their cable or satellite reception.Finally, Broder is not wrong: backers of the bill denied that the statute would work unintended effects, that is, that any flow of funds away from parties, to independent organizations, would undermine the objectives of the statute. They might have "anticipated" it, but they dismissed its significance. In recent months, they have complained bitterly about it, and so undercut their ability to argue that they knew all along that this might happen and that it didn't threaten the overall coherence and viability of the reform. And Broder is correct that one of the objectives of the bill was to limit the amount of money in politics, and skeptics are advised to read the floor debates.-----Original Message-----
From: owner-election-law_gl@majordomo.lls.edu [mailto:owner-election-law_gl@majordomo.lls.edu]On Behalf Of Rick Hasen
Sent: Thursday, May 20, 2004 10:46 AM
To: election-law
Subject: news of the day 5/20/04
"Time Off Urged for Voting Work"
A.P. offers this report.
"Flap Over 527s Aside, McCain-Feingold is Working as Planned"
Anthony Corrado and Tom Mann have this Roll Call oped (paid subscription required). A snippet:
McCain-Feingold was not written to bring every source of unregulated federal campaign funding within the scope of the law. Rather, it was designed to end the corrupting nexus of soft money that ties together officeholders, party officials and large donors. The law's principal goal was to prohibit elected officials and party leaders from extracting unregulated gifts from corporations, unions and individual donors in exchange for access to and influence with policymakers.
Indeed, the law has accomplished this objective. Members of Congress and national party officials are no longer soliciting unlimited contributions for the party committees, nor are they involved in the independent fundraising efforts of the leading 527 groups. The FEC's decision to defer action, therefore, does not pose the same risk of corruption as did the soft-money decisions of the past.
Hatch Puts on Hold 'Arnold '08"
Roll Call offers this report, which begins: "California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger (R) shouldn't start planning a 2008 presidential campaign just yet. Senate Judiciary Chairman Orrin Hatch (R-Utah), who first raised such a possibility last year, said Wednesday that it may take a while to remove the constitutional obstacle preventing Schwarzenegger or any other foreign-born U.S. citizen from running for president of the United States." I'm sure our governor's reaction will be that the news is "fantastic."
"What McCain-Feingold Didn't Fix"
David Broder offers this column. About the column, a blog reader writes:
Check out this David Broder column today, the upshot of which is the surprising -- and to my mind ridiculous -- conclusion that BCRA has "produce[d] more unintended negative consequences than benefits."
Broder seems to assume -- without even providing any arguments in support on the points -- that the spending of money on elections (including by the candidates) necessarily is in and of itself a bad thing, and that a (or the) purpose of BCRA was to get money out of campaigns. No mention of corruption, of the role of parties in making officeholders beholden to contributors, etc.
And he is shocked, shocked, by the "unanticipated" phenomenon that folks are actually raising hard money (including on the Internet!) in amounts permitted by BCRA, and choosing not to accept public financing when hard money contributions are more lucrative -- as though the statute doesn't contemplate exactly that.
Thanks for writing. I would add that Broder is simply wrong as a factual matter that McCain-Feingold backers "did not anticipate that the ban would simply divert the flow of big contributions into other channels." Indeed, this was one of the main arguments made against the law when it was being debated.
Solum on Developments in Judicial Appointments Process
Larry Solum concludes that despite much talk about compromise in yesterday's developments, not much has changed. See here.
Corrado on Soft Money
Anthony Corrado has posted National Party Fundraising Remains Strong, Despite Ban on Soft Money on the Brookings website.
Anderson and Richie on Vieth
See this commentary by John Anderson and Rob Richie that appeared in this week's Legal Times.
"Skirting law, some shift use of campaign funds for primary"
The Miami Herald offers this report, with the following subhead: "The federal campaign finance law allows candidates to raise -- and sometimes to spend -- money during a primary even if it's earmarked for the general election." Thanks to Dan Smith for the pointer.-- Rick Hasen Professor of Law and William M. Rains Fellow Loyola Law School 919 South Albany Street Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211 (213)736-1466 (213)380-3769 - fax rick.hasen@lls.edu http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html http://electionlawblog.org
-- Professor Rick Hasen Loyola Law School 919 South Albany Street Los Angeles, CA 90015-0019 (213)736-1466 - voice (213)380-3769 - fax rick.hasen@lls.edu http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html http://electionlawblog.org