Subject: news of the day 4/14/05 |
From: Rick Hasen |
Date: 4/15/2005, 9:41 AM |
To: election-law |
I'm testifying at the April 18 hearing of the Commission on Federal Election
Reform
(headed by former President Jimmy Carter and fomer Secretary of State
James Baker) in Washington D.C. on election administration reform. The
hearing schedule is here. I've
posted my prepared
testimony, which is based upon my forthcoming
article on election adminstration reform.
See this
Sacramento Bee column. A snippet:
It's an uphill battle, not only to get the measure qualified and passed by voters, but also to survive the inevitable court tests. An outline of the potential challenges was aired Thursday during a special legislative hearing in which Democrats' handpicked witnesses complained about the technical complexities of middecade redistricting.
Potentially, the most serious legal problem is that since 2000, California's population has grown by nearly 3 million, and therefore the 2000 census data are no longer accurate enough to equalize populations of new districts. Democrats are hinting that they might be willing to create an independent panel for the post-2010 census redistricting. Schwarzenegger must decide whether to take them up on that semioffer or press ahead and risk losing either at the polls or in the courts.
See here.
Bob is essentially concerned that allowing regulation of disclosure
would lead to other, more intrusive regulations down the line. The
position is a bit ironic. It is the mirror image of the
anti-circumvention rationale adopted by the Supreme Court that Bob has
criticized repeatedly. That is, the Court says: Congress can regulate
local political party activity not because it is shown that local
parties have been the site of corrupt federal election activities but
rather out of fear that after the national soft money ban local parties
could next play that role. On the flip side, Bob doesn't make
arguments against the virtues of disclosure itself but wonders
what it would lead to next.
To be clear: in my view there are a great informational benefits for
the public to having those paid to make public communications to favor
a candidate for federal office disclose that payment as part of the
communication itself. And I believe this principle should apply equally
both on and off the Internet. I am not advocating greater regulation of
bloggers beyond disclosure by bloggers paid by the campaign to write
such public communications.
Over at the election law listserv, practicing election lawyer Joe
Birkenstock has posted these
comments, which he has given me permission to reproduce here:
The FEC's existing regulations on disclaimers generally are at 11 C.F.R. 110.11. In particular, 110.11(a)(1) would require bloggers, columnists, opinion writers, robo-callers, tv personalities, skywriters, or anybody else making a public communication "for which a political committee makes a disbursement" to include an appropriate "Paid for" disclaimer. It currently does not require such a disclaimer on blogs, however, because the special expansion of the definition of "public communications" in the body of 110.11(a) is limited to "Internet websites of political committees." (Emphasis added.) Since commentator blogs generally are not the product of or administered as political committees (with the significant exception of Krempasky's own RedState.org, FEC Committee ID# C00408047), the disclaimer requirement, as a general rule, does not apply anything posted on a weblog.
The problem is, with the existing structure of the regulation you can't just remove the "of political committees" qualification without ending up applying the disclaimer requirement to any blogs (or any blog posts) that expressly advocate [110.11(a)(2)] or make solicitations [110.11(a)(3)]. I wouldn't support that - frankly, I doubt anybody in America really supports that.
So why not just restructure the reg? Eliminate the "of political committees" qualification on "Internet websites" for 110.11(a)(1), but not for 110.11(a)(2)-(4). Put another way, apply the qualification to 11(a)(2)-(4), but not to 11(a)(1). This is hardly "serious regulatory surgery," this is trivial regulatory nail-clipping.
This would require anyone who got paid by a candidate to make a public communication (on a blog, on a radio talk show, in a newspaper column, or otherwise) to include a medium-appropriate "Paid for by" disclaimer on that communication. I'm no fan of much of the thrust of recent campaign finance reform efforts, but I really fail to see the harm in this one.
See his comments here. One correction on Supreme Court doctrine to Mark's post: He writes: "Even after the Supreme Court ruling upholding BCRA, preventing corruption or the appearance of corruption by elected officials is the only justification for regulating campaign contributions or other activities." Not true when it comes to disclosure rules, which the Supreme Court has also held may be justified by an interest in providing valuable information to voters, especially of large money spending in candidate elections. Those interested in this topic of where the Supreme Court's disclosure law is generally may want to check out my article, The Suprisingly Easy Case for Disclosure of Contributions and Expenditures Funding Sham Issue Advocacy, 3 Election Law Journal 251 (2004) (abstracted here).
Rick
Hasen
William
H. Hannon Distinguished Professor of Law
(213)736-1466
- voice
(213)380-3769
- fax
http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html