Subject: Electionlawblog news and commentary 11/29/05 |
From: Rick Hasen |
Date: 11/29/2005, 8:55 AM |
To: election-law |
The Washington and Lee Law Review has sent me the final
version of my article, Richard L. Hasen, "Beyond the Margin of
Litigation: Reforming U.S. Election Administration to Avoid Electoral
Meltdown," 62 Washington and Lee Law Review 937 (2005). The article
should appear in print and on Westlaw and Lexis within a few weeks. In
the meantime, you can download a pdf of the article at this
link. Here is the abstract:
The bad news from the story of Election 2004 is that things likely won't get better enough in 2008. As Part I details, the extreme partisanship and close division of the American electorate, coupled with the Electoral College system, make the possibility of another razor-close presidential election in one or more battleground states fairly likely. Add to that mix election administration incompetence and a widely decentralized system of election administration with a patchwork of inconsistent rules. What's worse, since Bush v. Gore, losing candidates have become more willing to resort to election law as part of a political strategy: the number of election-law related cases in the lower courts has risen dramatically compared to the period before the case. It all adds up to a recipe for electoral meltdown.
In Part II of this Article, I argue for three reforms that could significantly lower the risk of electoral meltdown. First, I advocate registration reform, in particular universal voter registration conducted by the government coupled with a voter identification program. There has been a wide partisan divide in the election administration debate between Democrats who have expressed concern about voter suppression and Republicans who have expressed concern about voter fraud. The registration reform I advocate can alleviate both of those concerns, minimize the potential for and political rhetoric regarding voter fraud, and eliminate a great majority of potential litigation surrounding presidential election administration
Second, I advocate a transition to nonpartisan election administration. The nonpartisan solution aims to create both the actuality and appearance of neutrality in election administration, thereby bolstering the public's faith in the process. Australia and Canada serve as good models for reform in this regard, though not necessarily their nationalization of election administration. I consider how to assure that U.S. election administrators are truly nonpartisan, and contrast arguments for nonpartisan election administration with calls for nonpartisan redistricting commissions and campaign finance enforcement.
Third, I discuss the role of the courts in minimizing electoral meltdown. The key here is to encourage courts to be more willing to entertain pre-election litigation and much more chary of entertaining post-election litigation. To the extent election administration problems can be recognized in advance, pre-election judicial review prevents future harm from occurring, rather than putting courts in the position of trying to undo the bad effects of a past harm. The costs of post-election review are large: the pressure put on courts to decide arcane election law questions when the outcome of an election - especially a presidential election - is huge, and the appearance of partisan decisionmaking is inevitable.
Jeffrey Birnbaum offers this
analysis in the Washington Post. It begins: "For several
years now, corporations and other wealthy interests have made
ever-larger campaign contributions, gifts and sponsored trips part of
the culture of Capitol Hill. But now, with fresh guilty pleas by a
lawmaker and a public relations executive, federal prosecutors -- and
perhaps average voters -- may be concluding that the commingling of
money and politics has gone too far." Bob Bauer comments
as does Allison
Hayward.
The Sacramento Bee offers this
report, with the subhead: "California's secretary of state says he
may not certify any more electronic ballot systems this year, throwing
compliance with a U.S. disabled-voter law into doubt for many
counties." In somewhat related news, the SF Chronicle offers Hacking
of Voting Machines Put on Hold, which begins: " A state-sanctioned
attempt at hacking one brand of electronic voting machines will not
occur Wednesday, Secretary of State Bruce McPherson said Monday at
what's billed as the nation's first summit on voting machine testing."
The Jackson Hole Star-Tribune offers Legal
Clash Shapes Up on Race.
See this Washington
Times oped. A snippet: "Hopefully, Mr. Biden's selective moral
outrage will produce some very educational exchanges. After all, did
Mr. Biden ever put forward legislation to stop the unfair practice of
giving Delaware and other small population states overrepresentation in
the Senate? It will be interesting to see how he attacks Judge Alito
without facing such obvious hypocrisy." My own views on the controversy
should appear at Findlaw tomorrow.
The Hartford Courtant offers this
report. See also this
AP report. Thanks to Dewey Dow for the links.
The Washington Post's blog, "The Fix," offers this
post, which begins: "Don McGahn, the lead lawyer for House
Republicans' campaign arm, will not be named to fill a GOP vacancy on
the Federal Election Commission; instead, he will stay with the
National Republican Congressional Committee for the duration of the
cycle." Thanks to Ed Feigenbaum for the pointer.
The St. Petersburg Times offers this
very interesting report. A snippet:
But on the same ballot, voters eliminated the system of single-member districts crucial to Guevara's victory.
After Guevara, Osceola forced candidates to run countywide, where white voters still make up the majority.
And since then, no other Hispanic has won a local election in Osceola County, even though more and more are running. Hispanics account for one in three Osceola voters.
Now, in a rare move for the Bush administration, the U.S. Department of Justice is suing Osceola under the Voting Rights Act, claiming that countywide districts discriminate against Hispanics.
It's one of the first times the Bush administration has used the Voting Rights Act, designed to help black voters, to ensure that Hispanics have the opportunity to elect their preferred candidates.
-- Rick Hasen William H. Hannon Distinguished Professor of Law Loyola Law School 919 Albany Street Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211 (213)736-1466 - voice (213)380-3769 - fax rick.hasen@lls.edu http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html http://electionlawblog.org