Subject: Electionlawblog news and commentary 7/20/06 |
From: Rick Hasen |
Date: 7/20/2006, 6:50 AM |
To: election-law |
The SF Chronicle offers this
report.
AP offers this
report,
which begins: " If this fall's elections abound with voting problems,
members of Congress cannot say they were not warned. Experts told
members of two House committees on Wednesday that security for
electronic voting machines is inadequate, lab testing of this machinery
is insufficient and a paper record of voting is essential to protect
election integrity."
Earl Ofari Hutchinson has this
column in the Baltimore Sun.
See this press
release about this
Campaign Finance Institute working paper
that is sure to play a prominent role in the debate over regulating
527s and the possibility that clamping down on 527s will simply shift
election-related activities to 501(c)s. From the release:
CFI analyzed a variety of data, including interviews, concerning the following interest groups: American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, Americans for Job Security, Chamber of Commerce of the U.S.A., Club for Growth, MoveOn.org, National Rifle Association, National Right to Life Committee, New Democrat Network, Planned Parenthood, Progress for America, Service Employees International Union, and Sierra Club. Among the findings:
* Eleven of the twelve interest groups had either PACs or 527s,
but
seven used both in federal elections, cumulating financial influence.
* Nine of the groups also mobilized their 501(c)(4) social welfare,
(c)(5) labor union or (c)(6) business league "advocacy" organizations
for elections; but only one group consistently reported its political
expenditures to the IRS due to inadequate IRS guidance for and
monitoring of reports.
* Republican-oriented groups mostly used 501(c)s instead of 527s;
Democratic-oriented ones mainly used 501(c)s to supplement 527
activities.
* Groups generally have been able in their public communications to
distinguish their "election communications" from their "issue advocacy"
and "lobbying" ones
* Most groups could transfer their 527 activities to 501(c) advocacy
organizations, if necessary, although at a potential cost since
political activities conducted by a 501(c) organization are subject to
taxation.
* The overwhelming majority of large individual donors to the groups'
527s contributed large amounts of money directly to candidates, parties
and PACs, also cumulating financial influence in elections.
This study suggests that reforms that do not comprehensively address the whole framework of disclosure and regulation for interest groups will inevitably have unintended consequences. Risks of 527 regulation producing a flow of funds to 501(c) advocacy organizations are assessed as high, especially if gaps in IRS reporting of political expenditures are not addressed. Specific recommendations are provided for closing major holes in the public disclosure system administered by the IRS, FEC and FCC.
Steve Lopez offers this
LA Times column. [Disclosure: I'm consulting for the supporters of
Prop. 89.]
-- Rick Hasen William H. Hannon Distinguished Professor of Law Loyola Law School 919 Albany Street Los Angeles, CA 90015-1211 (213)736-1466 (213)380-3769 - fax rick.hasen@lls.edu http://www.lls.edu/academics/faculty/hasen.html http://electionlawblog.org