Brad Smith writes:
If it is any solace to Rick, the interpretation of the FEC regulations he
mentions is one that predates Don McGahn.
It is true that the FEC regulations which improperly
(in my view) narrowed the McCain-Feingold disclosure provisions were
adopted in 2007. However, even those new rules still require the disclosure
of all persons making donations aggregating $1,000 or more "for the purpose of
furthering electioneering communications."
It was Commissioner McGahn (with Commissioners
Petersen and Hunter) who then narrowed this standard substantially further
in their Statement of Reasons in Freedom's Watch (MUR 6002) in August of 2010,
after Justice Kennedy had waxed eloquent in Citizens United about
how corporate spending would be fully disclosed to shareholders and the
public and reported on the internet for all to study. It was not
disputed that donors (primarily one very wealthy one, apparently) gave
funds to Freedom's Watch which were used to run electioneering communications.
Indeed, it does not seem to be disputed that this principle donor, Mr..
Adelson, knew the funds would pay for electioneering communications:
according to the Commissioner's Statement of Reasons, the New York Times article
on the expenditures reported that "Sheldon Adelson was the primary
financier of Freedom's Watch, and that Mr.. Adelson "insisted on parceling out
his money project by project" and had "rejected almost all of the staff's
proposals that have been brought to him." Nonetheless, the Commissioners held
that "even if we assume the anonymous sources cited in the article are
credible", there still would not be sufficient evidence that Mr..
Adelson gave funds to Freedom's Watch earmarked to fund the
specific advertisement
("Family Taxes" ) which was the subject of the FEC filing.
Thus, the regulatory standard of funds "for the purpose of
furthering electioneering communications" is transformed into the almost
impossible to meet standard of funds earmarked for the purpose of
funding the specific advertisement being reported (especially as most
advertisements aren't even created until funding has been raised). And THIS high
standard will never be met when three Commissioners, as in Freedom's Watch,
refuse to even authorize a preliminary investigation of the circumstances, and
find out what the donor knew or was told when he was solicited for the
funding.
This is all directly relevant to the question the
press keeps asking: how did Justice Kennedy get the current disclosure
requirements so wrong in his Opinion in Citizens
United??
If it is any solace to Rick,
the interpretation of the FEC regulations he mentions is one that predates Don
McGahn.
The bigger question is whether there is a
lack of disclosure. In fact, there is plenty of disclosure, and
in fact all express advocacy ads and electioneering communications disclose who
is paying for the ad and responsible for its content. What there is is a lack of
disclosure to the extent that some people would like to see
it.
Bradley A.
Smith
Josiah H. Blackmore II/Shirley M. Nault
Designated Professor of Law
Capital University Law School
303 E. Broad St.
Columbus, OH 43215
(614) 236-6317
From: election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu on
behalf of Rick Hasen
Sent: Tue 10/19/2010 1:52 PM
To:
Election Law
Subject: [EL] more news 10/19/10
Is Justice Kennedy to Blame for the Disclosure Problems in this
Year's Election?
Joe Conason has written The
Public Shaming of Anthony Kennedy for Salon, with the subhead: "He
claimed that online technology would make corporate donations instantly
transparent. Now we see how wrong he was."
I am no fan of
Justice Kennedy's opinion in Citizens United. But Justice Kennedy has
opened the door to transparency in campaign spending. The fault for the lack of
disclosure falls to (in this order): (1) the Republican Commissioners on the
FEC, led by Don
McGahn, who have read current disclosure rules in the
least-disclosure-friendly way possible; (2) Republican Senate moderates,
especially Sens. Brown, Collins, and Snowe, who failed to buck their party and
to support a disclosure-only law that could have at least lessened the
transparency problems in this election, and (3) Senate Democrats, who larded up the DISCLOSE Act
with controversial limits on corporate money in election in addition to the
disclosure rules.
For more views of CU see the half-full and half-empty
versions.
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