Subject: Re: [EL] Redistricting answer |
From: Douglas Johnson |
Date: 10/29/2010, 2:46 PM |
To: "rick.hasen@lls.edu" <rick.hasen@lls.edu>, 'Election Law' <election-law@mailman.lls.edu> |
A
fair question, and there's a very good answer:
First,
I have to acknowledge that there are no absolutes in politics. A candidate who
wins one year and sees his or her support level drop by 30 or 40 percent the
next election is going to lose -- no gerrymander can save him/her. But creative
line-drawing can protect a candidate from a swing of 10 or even 15 percent --
or draw an incumbent out of office even when support levels remain the same.
The
key is recognizing that there are two kinds of gerrymanders: partisan
gerrymanders, and bipartisan (incumbent-protection) gerrymanders. [Leaving
aside racial gerrymanders for another discussion.]
A. Bipartisan
gerrymanders ensure the safety of all (or almost all) incumbents on both sides
of the aisle. California's 2001 plan is perhaps the ultimate example of this. California's
53 Congressional districts held 212 elections in 2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008. A
total of ONE incumbent lost his/her general election. When incumbents retired,
the incumbent's party held the district in every case. That's one loss in 212
elections, despite the unusually large Democratic surges in 2006 and 2008. California's
incumbent-protection gerrymander provided a sea wall of protection against the
Democratic waves in 2006 and 2008.
B. Partisan
gerrymanders attempt to do two things: (1) draw as many safe districts for the
party in control as possible; (2) where a district cannot be drawn completely
safe for the party in control, at least make it competitive so that the
minority party has as few safe districts as possible. Florida and Pennsylvania
are good examples of one-party gerrymanders.
C. The
third type of line-drawing occurs in states where neither party controls the
process (so there's no partisan gerrymander) but tradition / local rules /
whatever limit the extent of the incumbent-protection gerrymandering that the
legislature feels it can justify. Iowa is a good example of this but there are
others.
I
haven't reviewed the list of seats that have changed parties this decade, but I
think if one does so one will find that they are disproportionately from states
in categories B and C, and that the states in group A (such as California) have
seen essentially no change in their partisan split -- despite the massive
swings in voter opinion between 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, and this year.
That's
probably more info than anyone wanted, but here's the key distinction:
bipartisan gerrymanders protect everyone; partisan gerrymanders often draw some
competitive districts by design. Both
types intentionally use the power of the map to subvert the voters' ability
to effect change when the voters wish to do so.
-
Doug
Douglas
Johnson
Fellow
Rose
Institute of State and Local Government
Claremont
McKenna College
o
909-621-8159
m
310-200-2058
douglas.johnson@cmc.edu
www.RoseReport.org
From:
election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu
[mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu] On
Behalf Of Rick Hasen
Sent: Friday, October 29, 2010
1:50 PM
To: Election Law
Subject: [EL] more news 10/29/10
How
do those who complain about redistricting leading to non-competitive elections
explain the last decade in the House? If it is about unprecedented
partisanship, when is that supposed to ebb?
Posted by Rick Hasen at 10:10 AM