Subject: Re: [EL] Anonymity and harassment
From: Paul Lehto
Date: 4/6/2011, 3:57 PM
To: "Scarberry, Mark" <Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>
CC: "election-law@mailman.lls.edu" <election-law@mailman.lls.edu>

One good reason for the partial anonymity seen in the Federalist
Papers is that the Constitutional Convention started with a more
limited charge arising out of the "Annapolis Convention":  to "reduce
interstate conflicts."  Although the states' representatives to the
Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia were only authorized to
*amend* the Articles, the representatives held secret, closed-door
sessions and wrote an entirely new constitution.

In other words, the authors of the Federalist papers had a motive to
hide because they had exceeded the scope and charge the Convention
had, and very strong arguments were available (and made) that the
Convention was ultra vires and/or illegal in its output, and also that
it was improper in its internal procedure of secret deliberations as
well.   The impropriety of secret deliberations as a general rule is
arguably admitted by the founders themselves, given the openness they
prescribed for Congress in the text of the Constitution itself,
requiring rarely invoked special exceptions for any secrecy at all.

We neither celebrate, nor remember, the dozen or more "Presidents of
the United States in Congress Assembled" who served under the Articles
of Confederation because the secret deliberations and advocacy of the
Federalist papers were a form of revolutionary change.

Thus, it's not surprising that various supporters of the Federalist
papers would wish to be anonymous to the public.

The fact that we may all agree that the end result of that
Constitutional Convention secrecy was good disregards the more
fundamental truth that to endorse secrecy or anonymity as a regular
and general policy for all elections is to endorse the very birthing
grounds of improper conduct and to institutionalize it at the heart of
elections.  Even if secrecy was the right thing for the Convention
under those very special circumstances, does that make it right for
all times, and every election?

The very weak precedent for secrecy is why the Federalist Papers are
cited so frequently on this list.  Today, the Constitution enjoys an
august and conservative (because old) feel to it, but the anonymity
element of the Federalist Papers was the enabler of secret coordinated
efforts for essentially revolutionary change.   We all like that
particular revolutionary change, but who really wants to endorse that
as policy for every election?

Paul Lehto, J.D.


On 4/6/11, Scarberry, Mark <Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu> wrote:
Madison's Memorial and Remonstrance also was published anonymously. It was
very influential and is part of a tradition of anonymous publications.

As Eugene notes, the ratification by New York was key to the success of the
new Constitution. So was the ratification by Virginia, which influenced the
New York ratification. That does not make the Virginia and New York
ratifiers the only ones whose understandings matter (to an originalist), but
it does suggest that we should be suspicious of a constitutional reading
that departs substantially from the understanding that the members of their
ratification conventions probably had.

Mark Scarberry
Pepperdine

From: election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu
[mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Wednesday, April 06, 2011 10:53 AM
To: election-law@mailman.lls.edu
Subject: Re: [EL] Anonymity and harassment

               I appreciate Mr. Lentini's point as to the Federalist Papers,
but very many arguments for and against the Constitution during that era
were written anonymously as well.  While it's hard to speculate about
whether the vote on the Constitution would have been different had all the
arguments been accurately signed, it seems likely that anonymous speech in
the aggregate did have a noticeable impact on the votes related to the
ratification.  And of course New York's ratification was itself extremely
influential.

               Eugene

From: election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu
[mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu] On Behalf Of Jerald Lentini
Sent: Wednesday, April 06, 2011 10:23 AM
To: Jason Rylander; Sean Parnell
Cc: election-law@mailman.lls.edu
Subject: Re: [EL] Anonymity and harassment

Professor Gregory E. Maggs published a wonderful article four or five years
ago--I believe this was in the Boston University Law Review--explaining that
the Federalist Papers' virtue is that they lay out the original meaning and
intent of the Framers, but they probably cannot be fairly said to represent
that of the state ratifiers, who most likely wouldn't have read them before
they voted, as republication wasn't common (he included a great timeline in
the appendix, comparing initial publication dates to ratification vote dates
in the states).  Maggs finds no record exists of the essays being mentioned
in any of the state ratification debates, and considers it highly unlikely
that the essays had that much of an audience outside New York before
ratification.  In other words, the premise of your question--that the
Federalist Papers had ANY noticeable impact (at least outside of New York)
on the vote to ratify the Constitution--might well be wrong.

The obvious possible exception would be Madison's home state of Virginia.
But Hamilton and Madison both actively participated in their states'
ratification debates (and, in all likelihood, made it known to their
compatriots that they were responsible for authoring some of the essays),
and the Constitution was a fait accompli when both those states voted to
ratify.

Whatever contributions the Federalist Papers may have made to the
ratification debates, it's hard to say what effect anonymity had.  Odds are
it was quite slight.  The arguments in those essays were presented cogently
and eloquently, but they were certainly also presented in other fora by
known speakers and authors--especially in the state ratification debates
where the delegates to the Constitutional Convention were actively involved
(which, come to think of it, was all of them but Rhode Island).

Jon Roland can probably provide a better answer, but from my rudimentary
understanding, The State House Yard address of James Wilson, which took
place almost a month before Federalist 1 was published, was more popularly
distributed and widely read at the time, since it was far more concise (a
few hundred words shorter than Federalist #10 alone).  And that was far from
anonymous, being delivered by one of the most famous figures in the country,
in front of an audience of citizens and officials, in broad daylight.

-JR Lentini
________________________________
From: Jason Rylander <jasonrylander@gmail.com>
To: Sean Parnell <sparnell@campaignfreedom.org>
Cc: election-law@mailman.lls.edu
Sent: Wed, April 6, 2011 11:34:59 AM
Subject: Re: [EL] Anonymity and harassment

A thought for all of you -- and perhaps those who have studied this in more
depth may have an answer -- if the Federalist Papers were not written
anonymously would the vote for the Constitution have been different?  What
would a disclosure rule have meant at the time?

Jason Rylander
Arlington, VA
On Wed, Apr 6, 2011 at 11:13 AM, Sean Parnell
<sparnell@campaignfreedom.org<mailto:sparnell@campaignfreedom.org>> wrote:
What, exactly, does it mean to hold speakers "accountable," and what is the
government's proper role in helping to hold people "accountable" for their
speech? I was under the impression that the First Amendment meant, in fact,
that government wouldn't be holding people "accountable" for their free
speech (i.e. punishing them for voicing the "wrong" opinions).

Sean Parnell
President
Center for Competitive Politics
http://www.campaignfreedom.org
http://www.twitter.com/seanparnellccp
124 S. West Street, #201
Alexandria, VA  22310
(703) 894-6800 phone
(703) 894-6813 direct
(703) 894-6811 fax

-----Original Message-----
From:
election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>
[mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>]
On Behalf Of Paul Lehto
Sent: Tuesday, April 05, 2011 5:47 PM
To: jon.roland@constitution.org<mailto:jon.roland@constitution.org>
Cc: election-law@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law@mailman.lls.edu>
Subject: Re: [EL] Anonymity and harassment

One real problem with the anonymity/harassment debate is the fairly
low standard of "harassment" that gets regularly applied by many.
Oftentimes, accountability and "harassment" feel very much the same -
to a person being held accountable.  (This of course does not cover
the more extreme examples of harassment.)

Under such relatively low standards, criminal defense attorneys,
prosecutors, as well as judges are certainly both subjected to and in
reasonable apprehension of "harassment."  One could add jurors in some
cases as well.  At least the attorneys, prosecutors and judges would
all have the constitutional first amendment right to wear hoods
covering their faces and to conceal their names, on grounds of actual
and potential "harassment."

The above is the main reason why, in my mind, the concept of "civic
courage" must be given a a relatively heavy counterweight to whatever
realities of harassment exist.

Paul Lehto, J.D.

On 4/5/11, Jon Roland
<jon.roland@constitution.org<mailto:jon.roland@constitution.org>> wrote:
Not if they are collaborating with the harassers.

There are degrees and kinds of harassment. It can extend to assassination,
which may be unlikely but only has to happen once for a given
speaker/publisher.

Our rights were forged in an environment of occupation by a brutal enemy,
and defense of them should always assume real enemies that are capable of
anything. Abuses by government officials are not just in the movies. I
have
had my life threatened by a government agent after I criticized his
agency.
Some of you seem to be oblivious to how brutal it can get in the real
world.

Or it can be simply a matter that the speaker/publisher wants his words to
be evaluated on their own merit without intrusion by his reputation, be it
good or bad, with various recipients. If the author is a known partisan,
his
words may be largely ignored by both his opponents and supporters, rather
than made the subject of deep deliberation.

On 04/05/2011 03:37 PM, Rick Hasen wrote:

In the campaign finance context, it makes sense to have a court or
regulatory body made determinations about harassment.

-- Jon

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Paul R Lehto, J.D.
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Paul R Lehto, J.D.
P.O. Box 1
Ishpeming, MI  49849
lehto.paul@gmail.com
906-204-4026 (cell)
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