Subject: Re: [EL] A hypo about a different kind of electoral college vote compact --cross posted to conlawprof and electionlaw lists |
From: Derek Muller |
Date: 4/8/2011, 6:33 AM |
To: "Scarberry, Mark" <Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu> |
CC: "election-law@mailman.lls.edu" <election-law@mailman.lls.edu> |
But, I think, this argument is not entirely necessary to the underlying claims of the NPVC proponents. Instead, the more crucial elements for proponents of the Compact are (1) that the Constitution permits each State to appoint electors in the manner it sees fit, and (2) that the non-compacting States remain free to appoint electors as they see fit.Because each state has independent power to award its electoral votes in the manner it sees fit, it is difficult to see what “adverse effect” might be claimed by one state from the decision of another state to award its electoral votes in a particular way. It is especially unclear what adverse “political” effect might be claimed, given that the National Popular Vote compact would treat votes cast in all 50 states and the District of Columbia equally. A vote cast in a compacting state is, in every way, equal to a vote cast in a non-compacting state. The National Popular Vote compact does not confer any advantage on states belonging to the compact as compared to non-compacting states. A vote cast in a compacting state would be, in every way, equal to a vote cast in a non-compacting state. The National Popular Vote compact certainly would not reduce the voice of voters in non-compacting states relative to the voice of voters in member states.
Derek
Derek T. Muller
Visiting Assistant Professor of Law
Penn State Dickinson School of Law
Lewis Katz Building
University Park, PA 16802
814-867-3411
I wonder what we could learn about the constitutionality of the National Popular Vote Compact by thinking about a variation on it.
Suppose states controlling 270 or more electoral votes entered into a compact requiring each of the compacting states to choose electors who would support the presidential candidate who received the most votes in the compacting states. Call this the Compacting States Popular Vote Compact (CSPVC).
The CSPVC, if followed, would render the choice of electors in the other states irrelevant, and thus would render voting in presidential elections in those other states pointless.
Is it clear that there are constitutionally relevant differences between the hypothetical CSPVC scheme and the actual NPVC scheme?
Even if we treat the CSPVC as the kind of compact that requires congressional approval, should congressional approval be sufficient to make enforceable a compact that would make such a basic change in how we choose presidents?
Again, is it clear that there are constitutionally relevant differences that would require treatment of the CSPVC differently from the NPVC with regard to whether congressional approval is or is not needed, and with regard to whether congressional approval would be sufficient to validate the compact?
If the CSPVC would make so basic a structural change that it could only be implemented by constitutional amendment, where is the line between structural changes that require constitutional amendment and those that (at least according to NPVC supporters) do not?
Perhaps these points (or something like them) have already been discussed somewhere. If so, cites would be appreciated.
Mark Scarberry
Pepperdine
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