In a message dated 4/7/2011 2:20:37 P.M. Eastern Daylight Time,
bev@blackboxvoting.org writes:
There is
no inherent virtue in "confidence in the election process"
without
accountability and public right to know. Rick Hasen states that
unsubstantiated
claims of fraud undermines public confidence in the
electoral system, and that
"litigation could undermine public confidence in
both the judiciary and
Wisconsin's electoral process."
This kind of
argumentation is not just undemocratic, but dangerous. This nation
was
built on the concept that DIStrust of government is healthy, with
both
public Right to Know and an accessible judicial system helping to
protect the
public from its own overreaching government.
Current
electoral processes violate public right to self-governance by
conducting
crucial components of the election in secrecy. When essential parts
of the
election are transferred to the government to perform in concealment
from
the public, the structure of the democratic system changes.
There are
four crucial areas where the public must be able to see and
authenticate
(who CAN vote, who DID vote, chain of custody, and the count). The
public
nature of these four components vary from state to state and
municipality
to municipality. However: If government insiders place themselves
in
position to conceal any of the above four crucial areas from the
public,
they put themselves in position to control the outcome of the
election if they
so choose, operating in secrecy and out of public view,
and in such cases there
is certainly no reason the public should be
"confident." You cannot substitute
trust of government insiders for public
controls.
Wisconsin was the first state in the nation to have a Freedom
of Information
law, passed in 1848, fully 118 years before our federal
Freedom of Information
law. It wasn't the first recognition that
self-government requires Right to
Know, though. Sweden passed a Freedom of
Information law in 1766, ten years
before this nation was even founded, and
the trend of newly democratic nations
is to build public freedom of
information laws explicitly into their
constitutions.
Wisconsin's
current implementation of election procedure does not allow the
public to
authenticate the original count by comparing input to voting machines
with
their output, though incorporating such a procedure would cost very
little
and would be a meaningful way to restore one component of public
controls.
Minnesota's so-called "audit" (which is not an audit, but an
after-the-fact
count, lacking the necessary process management examinations
performed in real
audits); at any rate, this after-the-fact count takes
place after chain of
custody has been removed from public
authentication.
The 2009 German high court decision was prescient in
that it stated that "no
after-the-fact procedure" can be substituted for
public right to authenticate
the original count.
That ability for
the public is not currently available in Wisconsin, so there is
no basis
for "confidence" in the original count. In fact, I would contend
that
advocating "confidence" without honoring public right to authenticate
the count
is not responsible.
The Germans were able to achieve their
high court decision validating public
right to authenticate the original
count only after a certain amount of public
education was done, and also
with a less dishonest set of academia in the
computer field. (German
computer guys testified that the system can NEVER be
secured from insiders,
and thus refused to even engage in "security"
argumentation for
computerized vote-counting; our own academia in this area is
compromised,
having accepted millions in grants and built a little side
industry paying
themselves to evaluate, study, and help with the non-audits.) I
realize
that in the USA we have not yet built the public awareness
infrastructure
needed to restore public controls. But we should begin thinking
along those
lines, at least.
By the way, a real audit evaluates management
procedures. Election ballot
spot-checks after the fact are missing the
management report and are therefore
not audits at all. The same compromised
computer guys, who have absolutely no
expertise in auditing, designed some
of the false audits built into election
law. This was, I contend, an act of
academic malpractice, since they imputed to
themselves expertise in an area
they had no training whatsoever in. Any auditor
will tell you that when an
audit misses the mark on the management report, it
doesn't matter if the
numbers match up. In other words, without the management
report portion of
the audit, you can't know if the ballots being counted are
the real
ballots.
I witnessed a 100 percent hand count of ballots in the New
Hampshire 2008
presidential primary, but it failed chain of custody.
(Ballots were delivered
in open boxes; Manchester Ward 5 boxes arrived
after transportation in Ward 6
boxes, and vice versa; certain sets of
ballots were left deliberately overnight
in an unlocked room, while others
were taken to the vault; employees were
caught on videotape after hours
with open ballot boxes and tins of solvent
under the table...) I cite this
example not to shout "fraud!" but to illustrate
that without an intact and
public chain of custody, you have NO IDEA what it is
you are counting. An
after the fact ballot count with a broken (or non-public,
unevaluated)
chain of custody is not an audit and should not be used to
create
"confidence."
Now as to James Bopp's comments, they are
closer to the mark except that
judicial oversight, in the current system,
does not actually "insure" that the
election is bona fide (though it can
help) and "reassuring the public" is not
the goal. Meaningful public
controls are the goal, and without that it is
reckless to reassure the
public that its elections are either public or
democratic.
Bev
Harris
Founder - Black Box Voting
http://www.blackboxvoting.org
*
* * * *
Government is the servant of the people, and not the master of
them. The
people, in delegating authority, do not give their public
servants the right
to decide what is good for the people to know and what
is not good for them to
know. We insist on remaining informed so that we
may retain control over the
instruments of government we have
created.
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