Some imprecise writing on my part led Brad Smith to misunderstand my point (see the last paragraph in his message below). I did not mean to suggest that he or anyone else is shortsighted to criticize the proposed disclosure requirement because the requirement will permit abuse by the Republicans in the future as it will permit abuse by the Democrats currently. The thought never even entered my mind that he or anyone else here would have any interest in such a calculus. My intended point was that to the extent that (as he strongly alleges) any Democrats are supporting this proposal because it will permit the present administration to use it improperly, they are shortsighted because a future Republican administration is equally likely to abuse it similarly.
Best,
Daniel H. Lowenstein
Director, Center for the Liberal Arts and Free Institutions (CLAFI)
UCLA Law School
405 Hilgard
Los Angeles, California 90095-1476
310-825-5148
________________________________
From: election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu [election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu] On Behalf Of Smith, Brad [BSmith@law.capital.edu]
Sent: Friday, April 22, 2011 8:55 AM
To: Daniel Schuman; Election Law
Subject: Re: [EL] Pay to Play or "No Pay to Play"
I think there are a number of reasons, and I will offer them in the same spirit as your post - less to defend them per se than simply as arguments that may be made. But then I want to turn back to the big picture, which in my mind provides the strongest arguments contra the proposed EO, and which will go beyond responding to your post, Dan.
First, bear in mind that corporate PAC contributions to candidates and parties, or corporate PAC independent expenditures (which are quite rare) are already disclosed. So are the contributions of corporate officers and managers. Thus, the limited universe we are discussing concerns contributions by corporations or their employees and officers to groups that make politically oriented expenditures without disclosing the precise identities of their donors.
Contrary to your assumption (that "political figures already know about these ... expenditures"), it appears that political figures in fact do not know about these expenditures, but desperately want to find out. And, indeed, it seems clear that donors do not want politicians to find out, and are willing to expend considerable monetary and political capital to keep their identities quiet. Certainly that has been the ongoing theme of the last year, and the fact that there have not been many allegations along the lines of "these are the corporations that have given to ..." suggests that the politicians really don't know. If that is true, then the case for disclosure pretty much falls out at the bottom - at that point it is clearly making pay to play easier, not harder.
The reasoning, however, typically continues that the spenders will make their spending known to the people who matter. But this is harder than it seems. This requires the spender to make known information to the key congressional players, without letting it be publicly known. Maybe keeping secrets in Washington has become easier than it used to be. Regardless, because anyone can swear fidelity and claim that they supported groups making independent communications that an officer holder might have been grateful for, there is a major trust problem (unless the spender is already a known supporter, in which case there is no real issue) in convincing the politician to take an unethical measure (really, most politicians have ethics) of promoting a contractor for political gain. Moreover, even unethical politicians cannot know if the spender is also playing the other side of the fence, another reason for skepticism and mistrust.
In this situation, requiring disclosure dramatically lowers the transaction costs for those who would engage in "pay to play" politics. Indeed, this is true even for those contributions that are already disclosed through the FEC or the IRS - now, all those will be listed in one easy to find and analyze place, as opposed to searching databases and teasing out the information (not always easy if corporate managers do not list their employer, which is requested but not required.)
>From an enforcement standpoint, politicians will be virtually off the hook. Since all the information needed will be public and readily obtainable, no discreet inquiries must be made, no promises exacted, no follow up to assure fulfillment of the bargain required. These are the type of thing that traditionally trip up corrupt pols.
Generally, think of the arguments made against disclosure by Ackerman and Ayres. Obviously, this is a different setting, but many of the core points retain at least some salience.
Further, institutionalizing consideration of giving into the contracting process is likely to make it more, not less, political. It demands that politicians and procurement officials be conscious of political positions and influence, where often in the past they were not. It may also not be an improvement in terms of public understanding of government. There will be many, many false positives that result from the simple correlation of political speech and government contracting.
In short, institutionalizing "pay to play" and making it open and public, in the manner of the proposed EO, may or may not be an improvement.
Adding to that is the fact that "pay to play" has historically been seen more as a state than a federal problem. States do far more unbid or open bid contracting than the federal government, and generally have less staff resources and expertise. If you look through the history of reform community complaints, "pay to play" has rarely been high on the list at the federal level. Rather, the argument has historically been that influence is seen in the regulatory and legislative processes, and in policy. It may be that a policy will benefit a company by increasing contracting opportunities, but the alleged corruption has generally been alleged to occur in the course of determining that policy, not in the procurement that might follow.
Here is where my earlier post comes into play. Most companies large enough to engage in pay to play at a federal level are heavily regulated by the government in a myriad of ways. In other words, for most of these companies, contracting may be the least of their concerns in their dealings with the government. Beyond any "pay to play" issues, many of these companies are vulnerable to retaliation in numerous ways, including the awarding of waivers from the recent health care legislation, bailouts under TARP, and a host of regulatory decisions.
In the current environment, we know that for over a year the Democratic party leadership has sought to deter political speech that it believes will be, on balance, harmful to its prospects. The President and several other prominent party officials have specifically mentioned the interests they wish to silence. Senator Schumer has openly noted that "the deterrent effect [of disclosure] should not be underestimated." Democrats have failed to pass restraints through Congress or the FEC. In short, we know that Democrats have been desperately trying to get this information for reasons unconnected from "pay to play" concerns. Now along comes this proposed EO.
In that environment, there is every reason to believe that the EO is itself a product of "pay to play" type politics - that is, the arguments put forward for it are in fact insincere, and it is an effort to facilitate punishing or intimidating opponents (and possibly rewarding supporters). Certainly, and this is what Mark has pointed out, the EO could facilitate that. There is not much reason to believe that "pay to play" is a particular problem now more than it was in the past. There is not much reason to believe that spending by non-profits using personal contributions from executives is more of a problem than it was in the past - particularly noting the use of soft money in the 1990s and the ability of non-profit corporations to make non-express advocacy expenditures more than 60 days from an election right through 2010, when Citizens United was decided.
As I noted in my earlier post, the true history of campaign finance reform is replete with efforts to use the law to silence or hinder political opponents. The current effort has every indicia of such an effort. Since the EO clearly has the possibility to be used to favor or disfavor contractors based on their political orientation or that of their employees, we be should be particularly suspicious of giving that power to government - especially to an administration that has been quite clear about its desire to limit opposition political speech in the 15 months since Citizens United came down. That's the political reality, which in other contexts, as I noted, we are constantly told must be considered when looking at campaign finance.
Putting it another way, the case for these added regulations - in congress, in procurement, at the FEC, the SEC, the FCC - has scarcely been made. The dimensions of the problem have not been identified (indeed, even the problem has not really been identified with much precision), the plausibility of the proposed solutions to address any such problem has scarcely been articulated, and the costs of such proposed solutions has been thoroughly ignored. In such context, an extremely healthy dose of skepticism is called for.
And, my bigger point, generally skepticism and a presumption of unconstitutionality is called for when government begins to regulate political speech. This is in large part because of the realities of government, politics, and the enforcement process, which are vividly on display here.
Dan Lowenstein, in another post, suggest that this may be "shortsighted" on my part, since Republicans may regain control of the process. This completely misunderstands my opposition. I would hope my history demonstrates that I am far less interested in how the GOP fares under various rules than in generally restraining the power of government to play these games, regardless of who is in power. What would be shortsighted, given my objectives, would be to be overly concerned with who is using the power of government to restrict their opposition at any particular point in time. My original post was not to chastise anyone on this list for their partisanship, but to remind them of the need to analyze proposals with an eye to the real world. This hardly seems controversial - such reminders (on redistricting, voter ID, anti-fraud efforts, etc) are frequent on this list, and rarely seem to engender much controversy.
Bradley A. Smith
Josiah H. Blackmore II/Shirley M. Nault Designated Professor of Law
Capital University Law School
303 E. Broad St.
Columbus, OH 43215
(614) 236-6317
http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp
________________________________
From: election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu on behalf of Daniel Schuman
Sent: Fri 4/22/2011 9:18 AM
To: Election Law
Subject: Re: [EL] Pay to Play or "No Pay to Play"
At the risk of joining what has become a somewhat contentious discussion, I am hoping someone can help make the anti-EO case for me with respect to the pay-to-play argument. As currently formulated, it doesn't make sense to me.
If there is already pay-to-play, than disclosure will help reveal it (and allow people to advocate for remedial action).
If there is not already pay-to-play, then disclosure will inhibit its emergence (and allow remedial action to take place if it does emerge).
On a similar vein, where is the influence coming from? Is it likely that the availability of information regarding a contribution or expenditure to a member of congress or the president will in-and-of itself encourage a procurement official in the executive branch to ignore the Federal Acquisition Rules?
What seems more likely is that such contribution/expenditure may prompt a legislator to lobby the executive branch regarding a contract or prompt political appointees to try to interfere in procurement decisions made by civil service employees. But these political figures already know about these contributions or expenditures. The only people who don't know are the public (including the procurement officers.)
That political interference can be tracked by having better disclosure around contributions and expenditures (as contemplated in the EO) combined with a better understanding of when/how legislators attempt to communicate with procurement staff. A side benefit would be that procurement officers would also have a better idea of why legislators are advocating for/against a particular company.
[Please note that I am not advocating for or against the EO. I am having trouble seeing the other side of this argument.]
Daniel
Daniel Schuman
Director | Advisory Committee on Transparency<http://transparencycaucus.org/>
Policy Counsel | The Sunlight Foundation<http://sunlightfoundation.com/>
o: 202-742-1520 x 273 | c: 202-713-5795 | @danielschuman
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On Thu, Apr 21, 2011 at 10:13 PM, Scarberry, Mark <Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>> wrote:
I think everyone has understood what I meant by adding "or 'No Pay to Play'" to the subject line. Dan certainly did. But just to be clear:
"No Pay to Play" means that you must not pay for the wrong things if you want to play. To get a government contract, you must be a "No Pay" person with respect to those activities disliked by the officials who will decide who gets the contract. Disclosure of independent expenditures allows government officials illicitly to deny contracts to those who make independent expenditures to help candidates whom the officials oppose or to attack candidates whom the officials support. That is the converse of illicit "Pay to Play" arrangements, under which you must contribute in a manner desired by government officials in order to be allowed to compete effectively. At least that's my understanding of pay to play.
Mark Scarberry
Pepperdine
-----Original Message-----
From: Lowenstein, Daniel [mailto:lowenstein@law.ucla.edu<mailto:lowenstein@law.ucla.edu>]
Sent: Thursday, April 21, 2011 6:39 PM
To: Smith, Brad; David Donnelly
Cc: Scarberry, Mark; Election Law
Subject: RE: [EL] Pay to Play or "No Pay to Play"
I believe that the extension of collective bargaining rights to public employees (which was opposed, inter alia, by FDR, Fiorello LaGuardia, and George Meany, none of whom was known for hostility to the labor movement) has proven to be one of the worst public policy decisions made in my lifetime. I also believe the requirement that would-be government contractors disclose their political activities is a dangerous proposal for the reasons suggested by Mark Scarberry.
At the same time, I believe Mr. Donnelly's point was an appropriate response to Brad Smith's post. Brad's point was that setting aside the conceded pros and cons on the merits of the government contractor issue, the motivation for it is to discourage or penalize political activity. That seems a plausible contention, though I cannot say how pervasively true it is. (It also seems rather short-sighted, as the possible abuse is just as likely in a Republican as in a Democratic administration.) Brad argues that the fact of its motivation should give pause to those who favor the requirement on its merits.
To whatever extent that is true (it is an interesting question), it seems fair for Mr. Donnelly to respond that the efforts that have picked up steam this year to restrict public employee collective bargaining rights are also motivated by the desire for partisan political advantage. Again, that seems a plausible contention, though it is hard to say how pervasively true it is. There has been considerable writing on this subject in the past couple of years or so by people like William Voegeli who do not directly participate in partisan politics and appear genuinely to be concerned about the merits of this issue (as am I). But if Brad's point is a valid one (to the extent is empirically correct), then so is Mr. Donnelly's (to the same extent).
Plainly, as Brad suggests, this listserv is not the place for debating the merits of public employee collective bargaining. But I believe Mr. Donnelly's reference to the issue was directly relevant.
Best,
Daniel H. Lowenstein
Director, Center for the Liberal Arts and Free Institutions (CLAFI)
UCLA Law School
405 Hilgard
Los Angeles, California 90095-1476
310-825-5148
________________________________
From: election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu> [election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>] On Behalf Of Smith, Brad [BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>]
Sent: Thursday, April 21, 2011 2:52 PM
To: David Donnelly
Cc: Scarberry, Mark; Election Law
Subject: Re: [EL] Pay to Play or "No Pay to Play"
Then it is hard for me to understand why you are posting. If you don't like the subject of my posts, please don't imply I'm a hypocrite for not posting about the subjects that interest you. Do you own posts.
Bradley A. Smith
Josiah H. Blackmore II/Shirley M. Nault Designated Professor of Law
Capital University Law School
303 E. Broad St.
Columbus, OH 43215
(614) 236-6317
http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp
-----Original Message-----
From: David Donnelly [mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>]
Sent: Thu 4/21/2011 5:47 PM
To: Smith, Brad
Cc: Stephen Klein; Scarberry, Mark; Election Law
Subject: Re: [EL] Pay to Play or "No Pay to Play"
Please don't place words in my mouth. I've said nothing about my views on those matters.
Sent from my iPhone. Sorry for typos and cryptic messages.
On Apr 21, 2011, at 5:46 PM, "Smith, Brad" <BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu><mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>> wrote:
Well, that's all I'm asking, that we recognize that DISCLOSE, the EO, the Van Hollen suit, etc are not about good governance, but silencing the opposition. I'm glad you are with me on that.
Bradley A. Smith
Josiah H. Blackmore II/Shirley M. Nault Designated Professor of Law
Capital University Law School
303 E. Broad St.
Columbus, OH 43215
(614) 236-6317
<http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp
-----Original Message-----
From: David Donnelly [<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>>mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>]
Sent: Thu 4/21/2011 5:41 PM
To: Smith, Brad
Cc: Stephen Klein; Scarberry, Mark; Election Law
Subject: Re: [EL] Pay to Play or "No Pay to Play"
You can ask me to stick my head in the sand and pretend that the attacks on unions' funding has nothing to do with the financing of america's elections but it's not a very convincing case from where I sit. For the record, I'm not looking for more regulation per se. I'm looking for more participation and as a result a more perfect union, no pun intended. But I live and work in the real world of practical politics.
Sent from my iPhone. Sorry for typos and cryptic messages.
On Apr 21, 2011, at 5:34 PM, "Smith, Brad" <BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu><mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>> wrote:
No David, no it's not, if the term election law has meaning. That said, however, if you do feel that way, I would hope even more that this partisan manipulation of the law would cause you to rethink you support for broad regulation.0
Bradley A. Smith
Josiah H. Blackmore II/Shirley M. Nault Designated Professor of Law
Capital University Law School
303 E. Broad St.
Columbus, OH 43215
(614) 236-6317
<<http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp
-----Original Message-----
From: David Donnelly [<<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>>mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>><mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>>mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>]
Sent: Thu 4/21/2011 5:13 PM
To: Smith, Brad
Cc: Stephen Klein; Scarberry, Mark; Election Law
Subject: Re: [EL] Pay to Play or "No Pay to Play"
Of the top ten independent expenditure groups as measured by reported spending (imperfect as that is) in 2010, seven overwhelmingly supported republicans and three overwhelmingly supported democrats. The three are all public sector unions. Cutting labor unions' funding off at the knees is an electoral issue.
Sent from my iPhone. Sorry for typos and cryptic messages.
On Apr 21, 2011, at 5:05 PM, "Smith, Brad" <BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu><mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><<<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>> wrote:
Perhaps, but I was under the impression that this list was about election law.
Bradley A. Smith
Josiah H. Blackmore II/Shirley M. Nault Designated Professor of Law
Capital University Law School
303 E. Broad St.
Columbus, OH 43215
(614) 236-6317
<<<http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><<http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp
-----Original Message-----
From: David Donnelly [<<<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>>mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>><mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>>mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>><<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>>mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>><mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>>mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org<mailto:ddonnelly@campaignmoney.org>]
Sent: Thu 4/21/2011 4:54 PM
To: Smith, Brad
Cc: Stephen Klein; Scarberry, Mark; Election Law
Subject: Re: [EL] Pay to Play or "No Pay to Play"
Like ending dues collection (or making dues collective extremely difficult) for public employee union or all unions?
Sent from my iPhone. Sorry for typos and cryptic messages.
On Apr 21, 2011, at 4:44 PM, "Smith, Brad" <<<<<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu><mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><<<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capit!
al.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><<<<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>><mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu<mailto:BSmith@law.capital.edu>>> wrote:
Reformers who propose this type of thing often point to the need to look at the real world.
Ok. The real world is that all this - Disclose, new SEC regs, the FCC and FEC efforts, the EO, the Van Hollen petition-
All are conscious efforts to use the law to silence Political opposition.
We all know that that is true, even if there are more defensible reasons for these proposals that motivate the type of people on this list. But that reality, one might hope, would give pause to all.
Bradley A. Smith
Josiah H. Blackmore II/Shirley M. Nault Designated Professor of Law
Capital University Law School
303 E. Broad St.
Columbus, OH 43215
(614) 236-6317
<<<<http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><<http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><<<<http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><<http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><<<http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp><http://www.law.capital.edu/Faculty/Bios/bsmith.asp>!
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-----Original Message-----
From: <<<<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>> election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>!
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>>!
<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>> on behalf of Stephen Klein
Sent: Thu 4/21/2011 1:13 PM
To: Scarberry, Mark
Cc: Election Law
Subject: Re: [EL] Pay to Play or "No Pay to Play"
Certainly could be a subtle shift back in the direction of independent expenditures as quid pro pro, struck down in CU but not gone entirely via Caperton. It's worth noting also that Citizens United did not affect regulations against coordination with candidates. So, if there's a problem there the FEC has a way to address it-- will this reg merely buttress investigations into these concerns or circumvent the gov'ts burden?
Sent from my iPhone
On Apr 21, 2011, at 12:52 PM, "Scarberry, Mark" <<<<<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>><mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>><<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>><mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu><mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>><<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>><<<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.e!
du<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>><mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>><<<<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>><mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>><<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>><mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu<mailto:Mark.Scarberry@pepperdine.edu>>> wrote:
The proposed Executive Order to require potential government contractors to disclose independent expenditures could help to bring to light pay to play schemes, in which making of independent expenditures that help a politician's campaign then lead to an award of a contract by government officials. That is the effect discussed in the blog item to which Rick linked. But such disclosure could also lead to government officials improperly denying contracts to those who make independent expenditures that the government officials don't like. Of course that possibility could "chill" speech that is protected under the First Amendment (at least if you consider the spending of money on independent expenditures to be inextricably linked to speech, as I do). Does that potential chilling effect create a substantial First Amendment issue with respect to the proposed EO? A related question: which effect is likely to predominate? Uncovering of illicit pay to play schemes, or chilling of pr!
otected speech by way of independent expenditures due to fear of retaliation?
Mark Scarberry
Pepperdine
From: <<<<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>> election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu!
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>!
u><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>> [<<<<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><<<<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.l!
ls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><<<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls>!
.edu><<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law<mailto:election-law>
-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:bounces@mailman.lls.edu>><mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>>mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu<mailto:election-law-bounces@mailman.lls.edu>] On Behalf Of Rick Hasen
Sent: Thursday, April 21, 2011 8:25 AM
To: Election Law
Subject: [EL] Electionlawblog news and commentary 4/21/11
April 21, 2011
CA Redistricting Maps Expected June 10
See here.
Posted by Rick Hasen at 08:24 AM
Hang It Up, Ms. Kloppenburg
That's the sentiment of the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel editorial board. I too have trouble seeing the reason for the recount at this point, though it is certainly Ms. Kloppenburg's right to request one at state expense given the margin of the election.
Posted by Rick Hasen at 08:21 AM
"Canadians Can't Tweet Election Results"
Crazy, eh?
Posted by Rick Hasen at 08:16 AM
"Advocacy groups, students argue N.J. should allow voter registration on Election Day"
<<<<http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>>http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>><http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>>http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>><<http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>>http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>><http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>>http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>> NJ.com<http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>><<http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>>http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>><<<http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>>http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>><http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>>http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>><<<<http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>>http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>><http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>>http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>><<http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>>http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>><http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>>http://NJ.com<http://nj.com/>> reports.
Posted by Rick Hasen at 08:12 AM
Is It Really Legal to Offer Alcohol to Get Someone to Sign a Recall Petition in Wisconsin?
See here. In my work on vote buying I came across a number of jurisdictions (including California) that allow payments for turnout (though not in elections with federal candidates on the ballot). But all of those laws prohibit paying for voting for a specific result. Under similar logic, I find it hard to believe any state makes it legal to pay people to sign a ballot measure petition. Any Wisconsinites who can shed light on this?
Posted by Rick Hasen at 08:06 AM
"Lawsuit seeks disclosure of secret campaign contributions"
The LA Times reports that "Rep. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) and a group of reform advocates will file suit in federal court, along with rulemaking petition at the Federal Election Commission, Thursday morning that seeks disclosure of secret contributions flowing to political campaigns." Check out the complaint, and the FEC rulemaking petition. See also this press release.
I had been thinking for some time that a lawsuit like this makes sense. The question is whether any relief, if available, will come in time for the 2012 election season.
Posted by Rick Hasen at 07:58 AM
April 20, 2011
"The Obama Pay-to-Play Initiative"
This item appears at the Corporate Political Activity Law blog.
Posted by Rick Hasen at 03:34 PM
--
Rick Hasen
Visiting Professor
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
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i.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>>mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>><<<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>>mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>><mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>>mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>><<<<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>>mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>><mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>>mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>><<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>>mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>><mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>>mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu<mailto:rhasen@law.uci.edu>>
William H. Hannon Distinguished Professor of Law
Loyola Law School
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