[EL] ELB News and Commentary 8/22/13

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Wed Aug 21 21:00:44 PDT 2013


    First Circuit Panel, Including Justice Souter, Reject Challenges to
    Bribery and Extortion-Related Charges Involving Former Mass. Speaker
    and Lobbyist <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54684>

Posted on August 21, 2013 7:54 pm <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54684> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Howard <http://howappealing.law.com/082113.html#052370> has the details 
and link to the opinion.

There's a discussion in here about explicit agreements and McCormick.

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Posted in bribery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=54> | Comments Off


    Pasquotank County, NC Appeal <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54680>

Posted on August 21, 2013 7:35 pm <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54680> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

In my recent /Slate /article 
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2013/08/north_carolina_s_speedy_vote_suppression_tactics_show_exactly_why_the_voting.html>, 
I wrote:

    Forty of North Carolina's counties were covered
    <http://www.justice.gov/crt/about/vot/sec_5/covered.php> by the
    preclearance requirement before /Shelby County/, and a draconian law
    like this would never have made it past the Justice Department. Nor
    would a whole bunch of local shenanigans deployed just last week in
    suppressing student and other voting. The Associated Press reported
    <http://www.thestate.com/2013/08/14/2920155/nc-elections-boards-move-to-curtail.html>
    that "The Pasquotank County Board of Elections on Tuesday barred an
    Elizabeth City State University senior from running for city
    council, ruling his on-campus address couldn't be used to establish
    local residency. Following the decision, the head of the county's
    Republican Party said he plans to challenge the voter registrations
    of more students at the historically black university ahead of
    upcoming elections."

    Pasquotank County used to be a covered jurisdiction.

Well there's now been an appeal 
<http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/Pasquotank-BOE-King-Appeal_08.20.2013.pdf>in 
that case to the state board of elections. We'll see if "respect 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54673>" leads to a different decision.

This will be an important test case for what the state Board will allow 
some counties to get away with in NC.

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, 
The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, voting 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=31> | Comments Off


    Election Passport <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54678>

Posted on August 21, 2013 7:30 pm <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54678> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

David Lublin sends along the following information:

    American University's School of Public Affairs is pleased to
    announce the launch ofElection Passport
    <http://www.electionpassport.com/>, a new online resource providing
    free access to a rich dataset of constituency election results from
    over 80 countries around the world.

    The goal of Election Passport <http://www.electionpassport.com/> is
    to enable researchers and students to engage in high-level analysis
    of elections on countries for which data are not easily available.
     From Andorra to Zambia, this site provides unusually complete data
    sets that include votes won by very small parties, independents, and
    frequently, candidate names that are difficult to locate. As an
    ongoing project, additional elections will be regularly added.

    Election Passport <http://www.electionpassport.com/> was developed
    by David Lublin <http://www.electionpassport.com/files/lublin.pdf>,
    Professor of Government in the School of Public Affairs at American
    University, with the support of AU's Center for Latin American and
    Latino Studies and the German Marshall Fund of the U.S.

    We hope that you will find this to be a valuable resource and
    encourage you to share this announcement with your colleagues.
    Please contact David Lublin at dlublin at american.edu
    <mailto:dlublin at american.edu> or (202) 885-2913
    <tel:%28202%29%20885-2913> should you have any questions.

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Posted in Uncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1> | Comments Off


    "Elections and Alignment" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54676>

Posted on August 21, 2013 7:29 pm <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54676> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Nick Stephanopoulos has posted this draft 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2313941> on SSRN 
(forthcoming, /Columbia Law Review/). Here is the abstract:

    Election law doctrine has long been dominated by
    rights-and-interests balancing: the weighing of the rights burdens
    imposed by electoral regulations against the state interests that
    the regulations serve. For the last generation, the election law
    literature has emphasized structural values that relate to the
    functional realities of the electoral system, competition chief
    among them. This Article introduces a new structural theory---the
    alignment approach---that has the potential to reframe and unify
    many election law debates. The crux of the approach is that voters'
    preferences ought to be congruent with those of their elected
    representatives. Preferences as to both party and policy should
    correspond, and they should do so at the levels of both the
    individual district and the jurisdiction as a whole.

    The areas the alignment approach could reorient include franchise
    restriction, party regulation, campaign finance, redistricting, and
    minority representation. For instance, measures that hinder voting
    could be conceived not as rights violations or efforts to suppress
    competition, but rather as partisan distortions of the electorate.
    Similarly, campaign finance regulations could be assessed based on
    their capacity to shift candidates' preferences toward those of
    their constituents (and away from those of their donors). And the
    key issue for district plans could be whether they properly align
    the jurisdiction's median voter with the legislature's median member.

    The alignment approach is attractive because it stems from the core
    meaning of democracy itself. If it is the people who are sovereign,
    then it is their preferences that should be reflected in the
    positions of their representatives. The approach also is appealing
    because of the support it finds in the Supreme Court's case law.
    While the Court has never embraced the approach explicitly, it has
    often recognized the significance of preference congruence. However,
    it is important not to overstate the approach's utility. Other
    election law values matter too and cannot be disregarded. Moreover,
    many of the factors that produce misalignment are non-legal and thus
    cannot be addressed by law reform alone.

An interesting draft (though followers of my work in this area won't be 
surprised to discover I remain unconvinced by structural theories 
empowering courts to intervene more in the political process).

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Posted in theory <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=41> | Comments Off


    "NC State Elections Chairman Calls for Respect"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54673>

Posted on August 21, 2013 7:23 pm <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54673> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

AP: 
<http://www.charlotteobserver.com/2013/08/21/4252573/nc-state-elections-chairman-preaches.html#.UhVQvrX1L5g.twitter>

    County election board members must work as colleagues and not
    political rivals, the new Republican chairman of the State Board of
    Elections said Wednesday as recent local board dust-ups have led to
    allegations of partisanship and voter suppression.

    Josh Howard addressed nearly 500 local elections board members,
    directors and staff at a statewide training seminar, the first since
    all 100 county boards came under GOP control this year after 20
    years in Democratic hands. Republicans now hold 2-1 majorities in
    counties because Gov. Pat McCrory was elected.

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Posted in campaigns <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>, election 
administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, The Voting Wars 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60> | Comments Off


    "Voter ID Debate Heats Up as Dallas County Joins Fight"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54670>

Posted on August 21, 2013 7:17 pm <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54670> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Texas Tribune 
<http://www.texastribune.org/2013/08/21/dallas-county-joins-voter-id-lawsuit/>: 
"A fight against the state's contentious voter ID laws escalated this 
week when Dallas County became the first Texas county to claim that the 
requirements would disenfranchise thousands of eligible voters."

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Posted in The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, voter id 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>, Voting Rights Act 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15> | Comments Off


    "Accepting Scalia's Offer, Arizona Sues Obama Administration On
    Voting Rights" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54667>

Posted on August 21, 2013 7:14 pm <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54667> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

TPM: 
<http://tpmdc.talkingpointsmemo.com/2013/08/scalia-arizona-voting-rights.php?ref=fpb>"Arizona 
and Kansas have taken Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia's suggestion 
and sued the Obama administration 
<http://www.scribd.com/doc/162005834/Arizona-Kansas-EAC-Complaint-8-21-13> 
in a continuing effort by both states to require proof of citizenship in 
order to register to vote."

This is an outgrowth of /Arizona v. Inter-Tribal Council/, as I've 
discussed in this /Daily Beast/ piece 
<http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2013/06/17/the-supreme-court-gives-states-new-weapons-in-the-voting-wars.html> 
(and this /Slate/ piece 
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2013/07/are_the_liberals_on_the_supreme_court_savvy_or_suckers.html>asking 
why the Court's liberals joined in the aspect of Justice Scalia's 
opinion suggesting such a lawsuit and a strong view of voter 
qualifications questions.)

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Posted in Elections Clause <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=70>, The 
Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60> | Comments Off


    Absentee Ballot Fraud Alleged in U.S. Congressional Race in Texas
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54664>

Posted on August 21, 2013 8:48 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54664> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Details. 
<http://www.brownsvilleherald.com/news/local/article_6b379594-0a6c-11e3-917e-0019bb30f31a.html>

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Posted in absentee ballots <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=53>, 
chicanery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12> | Comments Off


    "Can You Solve Slate's Gerrymandering Jigsaw Puzzle?"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54657>

Posted on August 21, 2013 8:27 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54657> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Enjoy! 
<http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/map_of_the_week/2013/08/gerrymandering_jigsaw_puzzle_game_put_the_congressional_districts_back_together.html>

Great election law teaching tool.

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Posted in pedagogy <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=23>, redistricting 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=6> | Comments Off


    Against a "Post-Racial" Voting Rights Act
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54654>

Posted on August 21, 2013 8:25 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54654> 
by Spencer Overton <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=17>

Click here 
<http://prospect.org/article/against-post-racial-voting-rights-act> for 
my recent piece in The American Prospect, /Against a "Post-Racial" 
Voting Rights Act 
<http://prospect.org/article/against-post-racial-voting-rights-act>/.  A 
summary:

Some have used the debate about updating the Voting Rights Act as an 
opportunity to argue that Congress should "look beyond" measures that 
prevent race discrimination, and should instead enact race-neutral 
general election reform (e.g., shorter lines, easier registration, 
less-restrictive ID).

They are wrong.  Discrimination persists, and general election reform 
would fail to stop much of it---especially in local elections.  An 
election reform bill would also polarize the debate in Congress, and 
undermine any chance for bipartisan consensus in updating the Voting 
Rights Act.  I personally support election reforms that expand 
access--and agree they should be pushed in state legislatures.  For now, 
however, Congress should focus on preventing voting discrimination in 
updating the Voting Rights Act---not general election reforms.

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Posted in Uncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1> | Comments Off


    What Did VRA Preclearance Actually Do?: The Gap Between Perception
    and Reality Part II <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54638>

Posted on August 21, 2013 8:11 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54638> 
by Dan Tokaji <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=5>


      *By Rick Pildes & Dan Tokaji*

The primary goal in our earlier post 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54521> was to bring greater policy and 
legal realism to discussions of Section 5 --- both in terms of (1) 
historical perspective on what Section 5 actually did//and (2) on what 
kind of voting policies are likely to be most effective going forward.  
These conversations are essential for those, like us, concerned with 
preventing new barriers to access and with expanding access to more 
eligible voters.

(1) In terms of how Section 5 actually functioned, the responses on this 
blog add greater detail that is fair enough, but they do not, in our 
view, affect our main empirical point: that, for several decades, 
Section 5 has played much less of a role than most people assume in 
protecting access to the ballot box.  Far more often, Section 5 was 
invoked to address vote dilution, not access.  And even leaving this 
comparison aside, when we look simply at the absolute number of 
objections to access barriers, it's easy to see that the number has been 
extremely low in recent decades -- and was actually far lower even in 
the early years of Section 5's existence than we expect most 
commentators realize.

We focused on the period between 2000 and 2012 in our initial post, but 
consider the following graphically-presented information for the whole 
history of Section 5's life.  This Figure is taken from Bruce E. Cain 
and Karin MacDonald, /Voting Rights Enforcement:  Navigating Between 
High and Low Expectations/, in The Future of the Voting Rights Act 130 
(D. Epstein and R. Pildes et al. eds.) (2006):

Cain&MacDonald-VRAObjections 
<http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/CainMacDonald-VRAObjections.tif>

Moreover, while Justin Levitt <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54569> 
points out that not all redistricting is statewide, it's similarly true 
that not all "ballot access" issues involve statewide laws -- important 
  ballot design changes can take place at the county level and have only 
local effects. Objections don't tell the whole story, of course, but as 
the Fraga and Ocampo study shows 
<http://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/ch_3_fraga_ocampo_3-9-07.pdf>, the 
pattern is the same for both objections and more information requests 
(MIRs) going back three decades.

As Justin also rightly points out, not all objections and MIRs affect 
the same number of voters.  But it is much more difficult to quantify 
which objections matter "most."  Objections to statewide redistricting 
plans, which were common, surely matter a great deal.  While Justin 
emphasizes the recent Texas statewide voter ID law, the whole point of 
our post is that these kind of laws were not typical of those that 
Section 5 blocked in the past -- and the very point of Mike Pitts' 
response <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54564> is that we should now, 
for partisan reasons, expect laws like Texas's law to be more likely to 
be enacted than in recent decades.  None of the comments cast any real 
doubt, in our view, on our historical claim that, in recent decades at 
least, Section 5 had not played as great a role in protecting access to 
the ballot as is commonly believed.

(2).  Counterfactuals about what Section 5 would have done in the 
future, had the Court not decided /Shelby County/, are necessarily 
speculative on all sides.  Our aim was to inject greater realism with 
respect to two points that inform the debate over what voting policies 
should be pursued prospectively.

First, Mike Pitts is right to suggest that new barriers to voting today 
are mostly likely going to come about as a result of partisan political 
competition and efforts to gerrymander the electorate in favor of one 
party or the other.  But our point is that it is precisely this reality 
that reveals the limitations of the Section 4/5 regime -- and suggests 
that we should concentrate on measures designed to improve access more 
broadly.  Section 5 wasn't designed to be a major bulwark against 
partisan manipulation of access to the vote.

Moreover, Section 5's race-based standard didn't make partisan 
manipulation itself illegal, except in places where partisan restriction 
on access closely correspond to race in particular ways that Section 5 
doctrine had not sorted out clearly yet.   Partisan manipulation of 
voting rules isn't limited, of course, to covered jurisdictions. Nor -- 
when partisan political competition is driving these laws -- is it 
plausible to imagine devising a coverage formula that can adequately 
predict where those restrictions will arise tomorrow, much less ten or 
twenty years from now.  And precisely because these laws are arising 
from partisan political pursuit of self-interest, Section 5's efficacy 
might well have depended on who happened to control the levers of power 
in DOJ.  While Section 5 may have "worked" from the perspective of 
liberals in a few very recent, high profile cases, comparable 
restrictions on access were approved during prior Republican 
administrations.

Second, we want to inject more realism about how much legal change has 
occurred in the last 30 years concerning the VRA. The Supreme Court as 
it existed from roughly 1965 to 1990 is not the Court that has been in 
place in the years since.  In that sense, /Shelby County/ is not a 
one-off decision that happened to occur at one isolated moment in time.  
We have to recognize that, for decades now, the Supreme Court has 
adopted a more skeptical stance toward race-conscious government action, 
especially in the realm of democratic politics.   There is no recent 
precedent from the Court (at least none we can recall) on Section 5's 
application to participation barriers. But we suggest greater caution 
about whether the current Court would understand Section 5 to block 
access barriers without clear evidence of a substantial racially 
disproportionate impact or, if it did, that the Court would uphold the 
constitutionality of such applications of Section 5.  The fact that 
three lower-federal courts blocked or modified recent changes in Texas, 
South Carolina, and Florida is not a reliable guide to how the Supreme 
Court would have handled those issues.  Nearly all those lower-court 
judges would also have upheld the constitutionality of Section 4/5, 
contrary to the Court.  In sum, we shouldn't be excessively confident 
about what Section 5 would have done to protect access to the vote, even 
if the Court hadn't decided /Shelby County./

Most important are the implications for what should be done going 
forward.   While lingering disagreements at the margins over what the 
data prove are inevitable, the important question is whether  better 
means exist by which to protect against new unjustified barriers to 
voting, and even to expand access.  We think there are means outside the 
Section 5 model that are not only more effective in today's 
circumstances, but also more politically viable and more likely to be 
upheld as constitutional.  These include, to name just a few, expanded 
voter registration, federal provision of easily available voter ID to 
eligible voters, greater disclosure, and state constitutional lawsuits.  
At this point in our history, thinking beyond the model of Section 5 is 
likely to generate the most effective and widespread protections for the 
right to vote.

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, 
Voting Rights Act <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15> | Comments Off


    Ginni Thomas(Justice Thomas's Spouse) Quote of the Day
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54640>

Posted on August 21, 2013 8:06 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54640> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

"Okay 
<http://electionlawcenter.com/2013/08/21/part-3-of-ginni-thomas-interview-at-daily-caller.aspx>, 
Let's talk about the world view of the left compared to the American 
world view..."

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Posted in Uncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1> | Comments Off


    "Against a 'Post-Racial' Voting Rights Act"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54636>

Posted on August 21, 2013 8:00 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54636> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Spencer Overton writes 
<http://prospect.org/article/against-post-racial-voting-rights-act> at TAP.

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Posted in Supreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>, Voting 
Rights Act <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15> | Comments Off


    "Colorado: Another legal challenge? Colorado law mandates a vote on
    the recall question for a successor vote to count"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54633>

Posted on August 21, 2013 7:52 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54633> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Josh Spivak 
<http://recallelections.blogspot.com/2013/08/colorado-another-possible-challenge.html>:

    The Citizen Center's Marilyn Marks
    <http://recallelections.blogspot.com/2013/08/colorado-look-at-aspen-activist-and.html>
    has pointed out that the Colorado Recall requires that voters must
    cast a ballot on the yes-or-no recall question if they want to vote
    for a successor candidate. Just to be clear: Colorado, like
    California, has what I call a two-step/same-day recall vote ---
    voters cast one ballot which has two parts: step one is the question
    of "Should this official be recalled?" and step two is "Who should
    be named as a replacement?" Colorado's Constitution very clearly
    states that if you don't vote on the recall question, any second
    vote is tossed out and doesn't count.

    This is a ripe avenue for litigation, as California had the same
    provision in 2003. A US District Court
    <http://legacy.utsandiego.com/news/politics/recall/20030729-1304-davisrecall.html>tossed
    it out as unconstitutional (the case was not appealed). San Diego
    <http://recallelections.blogspot.com/2013/08/san-diegos-recall-law-is-disaster-one.html>
    is facing the same question (which may very well be tossed out there
    as well). This one could be another minefield for the Secretary of
    State and the local Clerks.

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Posted in recall elections <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=11> | 
Comments Off


    "Detroit mayor count in chaos as Wayne County refuses to certify
    primary results" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54630>

Posted on August 21, 2013 7:47 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54630> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Woah <http://www.freep.com/article/20130820/NEWS01/308200117/>: "A state 
election panel will have to decide who really won the Detroit mayoral 
primary after Wayne County election officials on Tuesday refused to 
certify shocking new election results, which would have invalidated 
about 20,000 votes and handed the primary win to Benny Napoleon instead 
of Mike Duggan."

h/tDoug Chapin. 
<http://blog.lib.umn.edu/cspg/electionacademy/2013/08/making_a_hash_of_it_detroits_w.php>

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Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18> | 
Comments Off


    "How Our Political Parties Beat Campaign Finance Reform"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54627>

Posted on August 21, 2013 7:25 am <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=54627> 
by Rick Hasen <http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Seth Masket writes 
<http://www.psmag.com/politics/why-didnt-campaign-finance-reform-work-64628/> 
for PS Mag.

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Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10> | 
Comments Off

-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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