[EL] Civic Courage, Indeed

JBoppjr at aol.com JBoppjr at aol.com
Wed Nov 20 05:37:29 PST 2013


The problem with Orton's attack on the conservative victims of the John Doe 
 investigation in Wisc is that it is based on a phoney premise:
 
The way this became public is dirty. One of the recipients of a  subpoena 
improperly leaked it to the Wall Street Journal's editorial board (!),  
seeking favorable, ideological pre-spin in the form of baseless speculation  
about the purpose of the investigation, and a likewise baseless assertion about  
the prosecutor's motive. 
 
The truth of the matter is that the John Doe investigation became public  
much earlier, on Oct 21, in a leak to Daniel Bice of the MJ:
 
 
_Click  here: Daniel Bice - Secret probe spreads to five Wisconsin 
counties_ 
(http://www.jsonline.com/watchdog/noquarter/secret-probe-spreads-to-five-wisconsin-counties-b99124190z1-228569231.html)  
 
A fair reading of this leak is that it came from the prosecutors, not the  
victims of the subpoenas.  Jim Bopp

 
 
In a message dated 11/19/2013 11:29:53 P.M. Eastern Standard Time,  
orton at progressivesunited.org writes:

As a Wisconsin resident, I offer a few points about this  investigation:  


1. No one knows anything. The subpoenas did not allege specific  
wrongdoing. The only thing we know is that the currently known subpoenas  target a 
bunch of conservative groups who played in the recall election and  were 
willing to disclose that they received a subpoena. Anyone who pretends to  know 
where this is going or what it's investigating is lying for their own  benefit.


2. The way this became public is dirty. One of the recipients of a  
subpoena improperly leaked it to the Wall Street Journal's editorial board  (!), 
seeking favorable, ideological pre-spin in the form of baseless  speculation 
about the purpose of the investigation, and a likewise baseless  assertion 
about the prosecutor's motive. They got it, as the WSJ editorial  likened the 
investigation to the IRS deal, and all but concluded that this is  a free 
speech witch hunt. Then, given that the WSJ ed-board was the only  entity with 
any information, other mainstream reporters had to report the  editorial, 
which provided the false imprimatur of the WSJ's legit news side  "as the 
Wall Street Journal reported...." 


The reporters I've talked to cannot think of another instance where court  
documents were leaked to an ideologically biased ed board. And some were  
concerned, because no one knows the reporting standards of the WSJ ed board  
(are there any?).



3. Those leaking the subpoenas know that a prosecutor is restrained from  
talking about the substance or genesis of the investigation, leaving a vacuum 
 which the head of the WI Club for Growth happily filled. 



So the WSJ leak was a CYA move done to squeeze the prosecutor and sway  
state politics by pushing the false impression of a witch hunt. That the  
investigation is also used as an argument against coordination laws is just a  
freebie.



On Tue, Nov 19, 2013 at 10:28 PM, Trevor Potter <_tpotter at capdale.com_ 
(mailto:tpotter at capdale.com) > wrote:

I  quite agree with you that "independent " expenditures have the same  
potential to corrupt as contributions... something that some of the Justices  
appeared to appreciate in the McKutcheon argument...

Sent from my  iPhone

On Nov 19, 2013, at 7:36 PM, "Steve Hoersting" <_hoersting at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:hoersting at gmail.com) <mailto:_hoersting at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:hoersting at gmail.com) >>  wrote:

Trevor,

You have heard, I am sure, that some  campaign-finance watchers think the 
Court should reconsider the  contribution/expenditure distinction? Yes? I 
thought so.

With that  background in mind, I am saying the following and little more: 
The facts on  the ground in Wisconsin -- and they're only sounding worse as 
we read more  -- show that now is as good a time as any for the Court to 
reconsider the  distinction. The question is with the Court in McCutcheon. The 
Court should  take it up. The dawn raids in Wisconsin (and Ken Gross's recent 
citing of a  criminal coordination prosecution out of DOJ; a new 
development) only go to  show why reconsideration is timely.

Best  regards,

Steve



On Tue, Nov 19, 2013 at 12:08 PM, Trevor Potter <_tpotter at capdale.com_ 
(mailto:tpotter at capdale.com) <mailto:_tpotter at capdale.com_ 
(mailto:tpotter at capdale.com) >>  wrote:
I have the sense that Steve is suggesting that the Supreme Court  presented 
a poisoned chalice in Citizens United when it stated that because  
independent expenditures are independent of candidates and political  parties, they  
cannot corrupt , and therefore cannot be limited by the  government (unless 
they are by sources we do not like in US elections, such  as some 
foreigners) . The poisoning comes from the fact that the Court  conditions this 
finding on the lack of coordination—going back to Buckley,  the Court has 
variously referred to such expenditures as “wholly”, totally”,  and “completely” 
independent of candidates and political parties. But as  2012 made clear, 
that is not how many such “independent expenditure” groups  have actually 
operated in federal elections: they have been created by  persons close to the 
candidates to be benefited, including previous  employees and even family 
members; persons involved in the campaign have  also been involved in the “
independent expenditures” (as vendors and  fundraisers);  the candidates have 
thanked donors for contributing to  these efforts; and the candidates have 
met with the principal funders of  these groups.

It seems Steve ( and the Wall street Journal) believes  that Wisconsin is 
investigating whether the “independent expenditures” in  the Walker recall 
election were actually coordinated with the candidate or  his agents (and 
therefore should have been restricted by state limits  enacted to prevent 
corruption). What is at play here is the suggestion  that unlimited  independent 
expenditures should not be conditioned on  actual independence, because that 
might undermine the ability to engage in  such expenditures…even though the 
Supreme Court in Citizens United only  allowed such expenditures (and the 
Circuit Court  in Speech Now only  allowed the collection of unlimited funds 
for such expenditures) because it  found as a matter of legal reasoning that 
the independence of such  expenditures ensured they could not corrupt (a 
debatable proposition of its  own)…bootstrapping, anyone?

Trevor Potter


From: _law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu) 
<mailto:_law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_ (mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu) >  
[mailto:_law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_ 
(mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu) 
<mailto:_law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu_ (mailto:law-election-bounces at department-lists.uci.edu) >]  On 
Behalf Of Mark Schmitt
Sent: Tuesday, November 19, 2013 11:32 AM


To: _law-election at uci.edu_ (mailto:law-election at uci.edu) 
<mailto:_law-election at uci.edu_ (mailto:law-election at uci.edu) >
Subject: Re: [EL] Civic Courage, Indeed

Sorry, Steve, I  have absolutely no idea what you're talking about. Maybe 
it will become  clear later.

Mark Schmitt

_202/246-2350_ (tel:202/246-2350) <tel:202%2F246-2350>
gchat or Skype: schmitt.mark
twitter:  mschmitt9


On Mon, Nov 18, 2013 at 12:10 PM, Steve Hoersting 
<_shoersting at campaignfreedom.org_ (mailto:shoersting at campaignfreedom.org) 
<mailto:_shoersting at campaignfreedom.org_ (mailto:shoersting at campaignfreedom.org) >>  wrote:
Hello, Mark,

There is every reason to believe the special  prosecutor is probing 1) 
reporting violations for independent speech, or 2)  coordination violations for 
political speech.

If it is the pursuit of  1), this case presents good reasons for us each to 
reconsider the rationale,  costs and benefits of the so-called 
"informational interest."

If it  is 2), it is a good time seriously to take-up the 
expenditure/contribution  distinction, that is, the (independent) expenditure / (in-kind) 
contribution  distinction. Criminal prosecution of coordination will swallow 
Citizens  United, and there is every reason the Court should take up that 
question,  now before them, in McCutcheon -- there's an op-ed to be written there 
if  anyone wants it. And don't think the overarching effect of criminal  
prosecution of independent speech hasn't crossed anyone's mind, perhaps even  
minds in Wisconsin.

Odds are the prosecutor is probing speech crimes.  If so, these facts are a 
good time to reconsider the interests furthered by  speech restrictions: 
the informational interest certainly, and the  quid-pro-quo interest 
short-of-bribery, if we are serious about free speech,  a representative republic and 
popular sovereignty. (Why do I suspect I am  merely begging other 
questions?)

Here's what will be *oh so special*  about this matter should events go 
fully in the direction they are headed:  And I suspect many on the left will 
hoot with joy should it happen. I can  envision, as I sit here, a new 
Democratic governor of Wisconsin, sometime in  January 2015, saying into a 
microphone: "Hey, if the people want civil  society and education vouchers, they'd 
better start winnin' some  elections..." Perhaps even the special prosecutor 
will be on the  stage.

Do we really want to live in a world of rigged  games?

Some look at the Wisconsin scandal and gleefully see  Republican v. 
Democrat, "finally the endgame!", and for all the marbles.  They ought to look a 
little closer. Visible in the Wisconsin tactics is  something that transcends 
party, whether we want to acknowledge it or not: a  future Enlightenment v. 
a future Dark Ages.

I'll let you, Mark, and  the left in on a little secret. How this turns out 
isn't really up to the  right anymore. Look at the playing field and the 
balance of power. The left  has got to ask itself, what are its limits, and, 
if it finds any, to start  slowing the train, little by little.

All the  best,

Steve




On Mon, Nov 18, 2013 at 10:33 AM, Mark Schmitt <_schmitt.mark at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:schmitt.mark at gmail.com) <mailto:_schmitt.mark at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:schmitt.mark at gmail.com) >>  wrote:
OK, I'll bite. What does disclosure have to do with this story? It  appears 
that a Wisconsin prosecutor has reason to think that some Wisconsin  law 
was broken, and has subpoenaed a lot of information. That's what  prosecutors 
do -- they subpoena information that otherwise would be private.  And 
defense attorneys contest subpoenas, and hearings and sometimes trials  or 
settlements ensue.
Did these groups violate Wisconsin law? I don't  know, and I don't think 
you know or the unnamed Wall Street Journal writer  knows. There's no doubt 
that there's plenty of prosecutorial excess -- e.g.,  the Ted Stevens case -- 
but that's a very different issue than  disclosure.


On Sun, Nov 17, 2013 at 10:29 AM, Steve Hoersting <_hoersting at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:hoersting at gmail.com) <mailto:_hoersting at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:hoersting at gmail.com) >>  wrote:
http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702304799404579155953286552
832

Can  we yet stop calling it the "informational interest" in disclosure, and 
start  calling it the "retributional interest," as is rightly deserved?

And  if ever there were reason to reconsider Buckley's in-kind contribution 
/  independent expenditure line, this is it.

Welcome to your brave new  world, members of the left. May it never come 
back on you. (Though, if  you've been reading the papers lately, and closely 
enough, you know it  already has).

--
Stephen M.  Hoersting

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