[EL] Rousseau and McCutcheon

JBoppjr at aol.com JBoppjr at aol.com
Sun Apr 6 12:59:14 PDT 2014


The irony of all this is that actually the "rich" is made up mostly of  
liberal Democrats.  There is ample empirical evidence to this:
 
(1) 80% of the richest Congressional districts, measured by per capita  
income, are represented by Democrats, and
 
(2) the wealthy give disproportionately to Democrats.   
_Click  here: It's A Myth That GOP Is Party Of The Wealthy - Investors.com_ 
(http://news.investors.com/ibd-editorials/040214-695716-democrat-political-d
onations-outstrip-republicans.htm)  
 
So why the liberal bashing of the "rich," which is part of their  
constituency?  First, it is a great motivator for the other half of the  Democrat 
base, the poor and minorities.  Second, the wealthy excuse the  Democrats for 
bashing them because of liberal guilt.  And  then there is the payoff --  the 
wealth have made out like  bandits in the Obama economy.  So a little 
bashing to put up with, but  they get to go to the bank.
 
In any event, the fact remains that the Democrat Party is the party of  the 
wealthy.  Jim Bopp

 
 
In a message dated 4/6/2014 9:30:22 A.M. Eastern Daylight Time,  
john.k.tanner at gmail.com writes:

It has ever been thus  




It occurs to me that it would help the discussion to define "rich" in  
terms of the dueling definitions of corruption   I think Obama suggested  
$250K/year, which seems about right to me in terms of the inequality issue and  
the ability of a class of people to corrupt the system in favor of their  
particular interests.  I presume you would need a good bit more income  (and the 
wealth associated with the moderately prudent use of that income) to  
extract a quid pro quo from an individual member of congress through campaign  
contributions.



On Sun, Apr 6, 2014 at 8:07 AM, Marc Greidinger <_mpoweru4 at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:mpoweru4 at gmail.com) > wrote:

To get a sense of the consequences, one might think not only  about the 
types of players, but the interests they represent. The demise of  aggregate 
limits plays mightily into the hands not only of rich people in  general, but 
of rich people who have highly focused interests.   


The "general will" if it means anything at all, would correspond to  more 
generalized interests like protecting the environment, building  economic 
strength, preventing economic collapse, helping people devastated  by weather 
emergencies, and maintaining transportation infrastructure.


The very wealthy, operating from self-interest, are not likely to  define 
their agenda in such general terms. They would likely be focused on  very 
particularized corresponding interests, eg: resisting EPA jurisdiction  over a 
certain sector of the energy industry; tax incentives for research  and 
hedge funds; stopping a requirement for a level of capitalization in  banks; 
maintaining flood insurance program that will pay to rebuild  buildings in 
developments under construction too close to a rising ocean;  and building a 
certain unnecessary road using particular contractors or  sources for asphalt.


The right analyst for this is Prof. Mancur Olsen. He explains how  
empowering special interests causes political outcomes not consonant with  the 
interests of the people in a republic in his "Logic of Collective  Action." In 
his "Rise and Decline of Nations" he develops a theory of the  pernicious 
consequences on the republic over time.



 


On Fri, Apr 4, 2014 at 7:05 PM, John Tanner <_john.k.tanner at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:john.k.tanner at gmail.com) > wrote:

apologies.  I was skimming comments on the 2d
 
 


On Fri, Apr 4, 2014 at 6:47 PM, Scarberry, Mark  
<_Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu_ (mailto:Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu) > wrote:


My 4/2 post (scroll way down to see it) was probably too long for  most 
list members to wade through. It raised concerns about the  reference to 
Rousseau, whose pernicious concept of the general will  could find a place in an 
analysis like Justice Breyer's.


I don't think Breyer meant to suggest it, but one reason to make  sure the 
voices of the rich don't drown out other voices is so that the  people won't 
develop "false consciousness." We must be saved by the  government from 
being persuaded by the loud voices of the rich.


I very much dislike arrogant rich people who think they know  better. I 
even more distrust a government that wants to protect my  ability to think 
clearly about what is in my interest and in the public  interest.


Mark Scarberry
Pepperdine





Sent from my Verizon  Wireless 4G LTE Smartphone



-------- Original message  --------
From: Benjamin Barr 
Date:04/04/2014 3:17 PM  (GMT-08:00) 
To: John Tanner 
Cc: Election law list  
Subject: Re: [EL] McCutcheon  


John, 
This is Breyer's usual three card monte. To collectivize the  Bill of 
Rights he relied on the writings of Benjamin Constant in his  Active Liberty tome 
(expanding all the positive "values" implicated by  the First Amendment - 
none of which seem relevant to the American  founding or history of the First 
Amendment). This dissent is just a  continuation of the same bad theme.  
This profound difference in viewing the Bill of Rights as a  charter of 
"negative" or "positive" liberties is also at root what  separates many 
reformers from free speech advocates on this listserv and  more broadly. 
Forward, 
Benjamin Barr  
Sent by my Android device. Please excuse any typographical  errors. 
On Apr 4, 2014 6:06 PM, "John Tanner" <_john.k.tanner at gmail.com_ 
(mailto:john.k.tanner at gmail.com) > wrote:

Not to change the subject, but I'm surprised that no one  has remarked on 
the dissent's invocation of Rousseau's Social  Contract, which was far more 
influential on the French Revolution (and  particularly the thought of St 
Just and Robespierre) than the  American, where the strong preference for Locke 
and Montesquieu has  pointed in a different direction.  It seems odd, 
off-key and,  wandering well away from the subject, I wonder if it prompted the  
counter-invocation of Burke - and the brandishing of the dissent's  
impolitic choice of the word, "collective." 


On Thu, Apr 3, 2014 at 8:49 AM, Tyler Culberson  
<_tylerculberson at gmail.com_ (mailto:tylerculberson at gmail.com) > wrote:

These figures derived from a Bob Biersack piece at  OpenSecrets: 
https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2013/09/mccutcheons-multiplying-effect-why.html
 
 


On Thu, Apr 3, 2014 at 8:45 AM, Tyler  Culberson 
<_tylerculberson at gmail.com_ (mailto:tylerculberson at gmail.com) > wrote:

Doug,   
>From Commissioners Ravel and Weintraub's statement yesterday,  "In fact, 
only 646 donors reached the biennial limit during the  2012 cycle."




 
On Wed, Apr 2, 2014 at 7:24 PM, Scarberry, Mark 
<_Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu_ (mailto:Mark.Scarberry at pepperdine.edu) >  wrote:




 
 
 
Can  we distinguish between two “anti-corruption” interests that  could be 
seen as being addressed by the dissent in  McCutcheon? 
The  first is the interest in keeping lines of communication open  between 
ordinary people and their elected representatives, so as  to make 
representative government responsive to the people  *between elections*. High levels 
of donations cause  representatives to listen only (or mostly) to the rich 
donors,  breaking the link between ordinary people and their  representatives. 
The voice of the ordinary person is drowned out  by the voice of the rich 
donor, because the representative will  listen only (or mostly) to the voice 
of the rich donor. With a  reference to Rousseau (which one hopes does not 
incorporate his  concept of the “general will”), the dissent treats the 
breaking  of that link as a form of corruption.  
The  second is the interest in the formation of the views of the  people; 
the formation of those views may be corrupted if too  much money is spent by 
rich people to help form those views or  to finance the formation of such 
views. Here we run dangerously  close to the concept of the “general will,” a 
true will of the  people that somehow is different from what they really 
think,  because their thinking has been warped by the spending of so  much 
money by the rich (perhaps creating a “false  consciousness”). The spending of 
huge amounts of money by the  rich in furthering their own views drowns out 
the voices of the  ordinary people, as both the rich speaker and the 
ordinary  speaker try to convey their views to the people and to persuade  the 
people. 
Is  it clear that the dissent only sees the first of those interests  as an 
“anti-corruption” interest that justifies campaign finance  regulation? 
(At first I wasn’t sure, especially given the  “drowning out” imagery, but a 
more careful reading leads me to  this conclusion.) 
Is  it also clear that the first interest has nothing to do with  which 
person is elected, but rather with who the elected person  will listen to once 
elected? Thus it has nothing to do with any  desire to level the playing 
field for the election, right?  Instead it has to do with the actions that will 
be taken by the  person once elected, which makes it similar to a concern 
about  quid pro quo corruption. 
My  apologies if I’m asking the list to reinvent the  wheel. 
Mark 
 
Mark  S. Scarberry 
Professor  of Law 
Pepperdine  Univ. School of  Law





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