[EL] ELB News and Commentary 2/25/14

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Mon Feb 24 21:16:43 PST 2014


    "Iowa voter fraud investigation concludes; 80 additional cases
    referred to prosecutors" <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59011>

Posted on February 24, 2014 9:09 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59011>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Des Moines Register 
<http://www.desmoinesregister.com/article/20140224/NEWS09/302240099/Iowa-voter-fraud-investigation-concludes-80-additional-cases-referred-prosecutors>:

    Since September, when DeCamp took over as the lead investigator, the
    effort has scrutinized 245 individual voters. Of those, more than 80
    have been referred to county attorneys for possible prosecution.

    It will be up to prosecutors on whether to bring charges based on
    the evidence provided by the DCI.

    Since the investigation began in July, 2012, five cases have
    resulted in guilty pleas. Fifteen are pending before courts across
    the state, DeCamp said.

    A Des Moines Register investigation into the five guilty pleas last
    December revealed they generally involved voters who didn't
    intentionally violate state election laws.

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D59011&title=%E2%80%9CIowa%20voter%20fraud%20investigation%20concludes%3B%2080%20additional%20cases%20referred%20to%20prosecutors%E2%80%9D&description=>
Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, 
fraudulent fraud squad <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=8>, The Voting 
Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>


    "Romney backs effort to end nominating conventions in Utah"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59009>

Posted on February 24, 2014 7:10 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59009>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

WaPo 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/govbeat/wp/2014/02/24/romney-backs-effort-to-end-nominating-conventions-in-utah/>: 
"Former Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney is lending his 
support to an initiative that would change the way Utah political 
parties choose their candidates. In an e-mail to former Utah Gov. Mike 
Leavitt (R), Romney said he supports Count My Vote, an initiative that 
would require party nominees to be chosen in primaries rather than 
through a convention system."

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D59009&title=%E2%80%9CRomney%20backs%20effort%20to%20end%20nominating%20conventions%20in%20Utah%E2%80%9D&description=>
Posted in political parties <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=25>, 
primaries <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=32>


    "State Senate leaders agree boundary law is unclear"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59007>

Posted on February 24, 2014 7:09 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59007>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

AP 
<http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/C/CA_STATE_SENATOR_VOTER_FRAUD_CAOL-?SITE=CAANR&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT>:

    The Republican and Democratic leaders of the state Senate on Monday
    said a law that ensnared a legislator on perjury and voter-fraud
    charges is ambiguous and might need to be changed.

    Sen. Roderick Wright is awaiting sentencing in May after he was
    convicted last month of lying about his true residence, which a Los
    Angeles County jury determined was outside his Senate district.

    Senate President Pro Tem Darrell Steinberg, D-Sacramento, and Senate
    Minority Leader Bob Huff, R-Diamond Bar, said in separate comments
    to reporters that current state law is so ambiguous that other
    lawmakers also could be in violation of a requirement that they live
    in the district they represent while running for office.

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D59007&title=%E2%80%9CState%20Senate%20leaders%20agree%20boundary%20law%20is%20unclear%E2%80%9D&description=>
Posted in residency <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=38>


    "Campaign-finance 'reform' won't solve government corruption"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59005>

Posted on February 24, 2014 4:43 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59005>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Paul Sherman letter to the editor 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/campaign-finance-reform-wont-end-government-corruption/2014/02/24/6de19074-9d83-11e3-878c-65222df220eb_story.html> 
of WaPo responding to my oped 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/how-the-next-citizens-united-could-bring-more-corruption--but-less-gridlock/2014/02/21/a190d1c6-95ab-11e3-afce-3e7c922ef31e_story.html>.

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D59005&title=%E2%80%9CCampaign-finance%20%E2%80%98reform%E2%80%99%20won%E2%80%99t%20solve%20government%20corruption%E2%80%9D&description=>
Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>, Supreme 
Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    Bernstein on Bauer on Hasen and Pildes on McCutcheon on Strong
    Parties and Campaign Finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59003>

Posted on February 24, 2014 3:47 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59003>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Read. 
<http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-02-24/looser-campaign-finance-laws-won-t-help-parties.html>

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D59003&title=Bernstein%20on%20Bauer%20on%20Hasen%20and%20Pildes%20on%20McCutcheon%20on%20Strong%20Parties%20and%20Campaign%20Finance&description=>
Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>, Supreme 
Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    Ellen Miller Retiring from Sunlight
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59001>

Posted on February 24, 2014 3:26 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=59001>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

After very successful stints at CRP and Public Campaign.

Announcement. 
<http://sunlightfoundation.com/blog/2014/02/24/time-to-pass-the-baton-at-sunlight/>

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D59001&title=Ellen%20Miller%20Retiring%20from%20Sunlight&description=>
Posted in election law biz <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=51>


    Liptak on Toobin on Justice Thomas
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58999>

Posted on February 24, 2014 2:57 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58999>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Adam's Sidebar 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/25/us/another-test-of-precedent-no-not-thomass-silence.html?smid=tw-share&_r=0>includes 
a quick rebuff of Toobin's column:

    Jeffrey Toobin of The New Yorker recently called Justice Thomas's
    silence "downright embarrassing."
    <http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/comment/2014/02/clarence-thomas-disgraceful-silence.html>
    But the real work of the Supreme Court is done in written opinions,
    and there Justice Thomas has laid out a consistent and closely
    argued judicial vision.

Yup. <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58961>

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D58999&title=Liptak%20on%20Toobin%20on%20Justice%20Thomas&description=>
Posted in Supreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    "The McCutcheon Case:The Legal and Political Consequences if the
    Supreme Court Strikes Down Overall Contribution Limits"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58997>

Posted on February 24, 2014 1:56 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58997>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Fred Wertheimer analysis 
<http://www.democracy21.org/inside-the-courts/press-releases-inside-the-courts/the-mccutcheon-casethe-legal-and-political-consequences-if-the-supreme-court-strikes-down-overall-contribution-limits/>.

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D58997&title=%E2%80%9CThe%20McCutcheon%20Case%3AThe%20Legal%20and%20Political%20Consequences%20if%20the%20Supreme%20Court%20Strikes%20Down%20Overall%20Contribution%20Limits%E2%80%9D&description=>
Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>, Supreme 
Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    "Hoboken's legacy of vote-by-mail schemes; Rent control referendum
    results stand, and shed light on dubious election pastime"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58995>

Posted on February 24, 2014 1:52 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58995>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The /Hudson Reporter/ reports 
<http://hudsonreporter.com/view/full_story/24627525/article-Hoboken-s-legacy-of-vote-by-mail-schemes--Rent-control-referendum-results-stand--and-shed-light-on-dubious-election-pastime--?instance=latest_story>.

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D58995&title=%E2%80%9CHoboken%E2%80%99s%20legacy%20of%20vote-by-mail%20schemes%3B%20Rent%20control%20referendum%20results%20stand%2C%20and%20shed%20light%20on%20dubious%20election%20pastime%E2%80%9D&description=>
Posted in absentee ballots <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=53>, 
chicanery <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=12>


    "Justice Thomas: leading the way to campaign-finance deregulation"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58992>

Posted on February 24, 2014 9:20 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58992>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

/[I originally wrote this piece 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/justice-thomas-leading-the-way-to-campaign-finance-deregulation>/ 
/for the First Amendment Center 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/justice-thomas-leading-the-way-to-campaign-finance-deregulation> 
published Oct. 8, 2007. //It was part of a symposium 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/foreword-justice-thomas-and-the-first-amendment> 
on Justice Thomas's First Amendment jurisprudence. I am reprinting it 
below here, as it has moved on the Center's website, and I wanted to 
make it more available given that I referenced it in a recent post 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58961>responding to Jeffrey Toobin 
<http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/comment/2014/02/clarence-thomas-disgraceful-silence.html>on 
Justice Thomas's performance on the Court. I have *not* updated this 
piece to take into account many significant post-2007 developments.]/


    Justice Thomas: leading the way to campaign-finance deregulation

First Amendment Center 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/author/firstamendmentcenter>

Nashville, Tenn.
Monday, October 8, 2007

T/his article is part of an online symposium 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/collection.aspx?id=19118> on the 
First Amendment Center Online concerning Supreme Court Justice Clarence 
Thomas's First Amendment jurisprudence./
"In my view, the Constitution leaves it entirely up to citizens and 
candidates to determine who shall speak, the means they will use, and 
the amount of speech sufficient to inform and persuade."
--- /Nixon v. Shrink Missouri Government PAC/ (2000) (Thomas, J., 
dissenting)

Justice Clarence Thomas has not been afraid to go it alone when it comes 
to expressing the view that the First Amendment prohibits most, if not 
all, campaign-finance regulation. Twice he has taken a position rejected 
by his eight other colleagues in this area. But Justice Thomas' clear, 
if radical, deregulatory vision has proven to be influential, drawing 
other justices (perhaps soon a majority) toward his view that money 
spent on election-related advertising and other forms of speech cannot 
be limited by the government.
*Thomas' campaign-finance vision: no contribution limits, no spending 
limits, few (if any) disclosure requirements*
/Contribution and spending limits/
Understanding Justice Thomas's vision requires a bit of background on 
the Supreme Court's campaign-finance jurisprudence, beginning with 
/Buckley v. Valeo 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/faclibrary/case.aspx?case=Buckley_v_Valeo>/ 
(1976), a case that well preceded Justice Thomas's confirmation to the 
high court. In /Buckley,/ the Supreme Court established that the amounts 
of campaign /contributions/ could be limited to prevent corruption or 
the appearance of corruption, but that limits on /spending/ of money 
could not be justified by an anticorruption interest (because of the 
lack of evidence that independent spending could corrupt candidates) or 
on equality grounds (because doing so would be "wholly foreign" to the 
First Amendment). The Court declared that limits on the amount of 
contributions only "marginally" restricted First Amendment rights and 
were therefore subject to lower constitutional scrutiny, while spending 
limits more directly limited speech and were therefore subject to strict 
scrutiny.
Since /Buckley,/ the Court's jurisprudence has moved in fits and turns, 
as different Court majorities either showed deference toward legislative 
efforts to regulate campaign finances or showed hostility to such 
regulation on First Amendment grounds. At its most deferential, the 
Court, in another pre-Thomas decision, upheld limits on /spending/ by 
corporations from their general treasury funds on advertising that 
expressly advocated the election or defeat of candidates for office. The 
Court, applying strict scrutiny, held that such laws were justified by 
the government's compelling interest in preventing "the corrosive and 
distorting effects of immense aggregations of wealth that are 
accumulated with the help of the corporate form and that have little or 
no correlation to the public's support for the corporation's political 
ideas" (/Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/faclibrary/case.aspx?case=Austin_v_Michican_Chamber_of_Commerce>/ 
1990). Over the dissent of Thomas and others, the Court in /McConnell v. 
FEC 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/faclibrary/case.aspx?case=McConnell_v_Federal_Election_Commission>/ 
(2003) extended /Austin/'s holding to unions and to additional 
election-related broadcast advertising that did not expressly advocate 
the election or defeat of candidates.
Since his first case on the Court raising contribution- or 
spending-limits questions, Thomas has been adamant in rejecting the 
/Buckley/ framework in favor of a constitutional test that would apply 
strict scrutiny to both contribution and expenditure limits and hold all 
such laws as violating the First Amendment (/Colorado Republican Federal 
Campaign Committee v. FEC, 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/faclibrary/case.aspx?case=CO_Republican_v_FCC>/ 
1996 [Colorado I], Thomas, J., concurring in the judgment and dissenting 
in part). Speaking only for himself in part II of his /Colorado I/ 
opinion, Thomas expressed the view that "under traditional strict 
scrutiny, broad prophylactic caps on both spending and giving in the 
political process ... are unconstitutional."
Justice Thomas seems to accept for the sake of argument the principle 
that the government has a compelling interest in preventing corruption 
or the appearance of corruption, but has found that various laws the 
Court has considered in its campaign finance cases to fail strict 
scrutiny on grounds that they are not "narrowly tailored." In each of 
these cases, Thomas found that bribery laws or disclosure laws were a 
more narrowly tailored means to deal with any problems of corruption or 
the appearance of corruption. He further rejected any argument that 
campaign contributions are entitled to less constitutional protection 
than spending, believing that a person has the same right to spend 
directly as to hire others or give money to others to engage in 
effective political speech. Thomas believes political speech is entitled 
to the highest First Amendment protection.
Thus, Justice Thomas voted:

  * To reject a federal law limiting the amounts of funds that political
    parties could spend in coordination with or independent of their
    candidates (/Colorado I/; /FEC v. Colorado Republican Federal
    Campaign Committee,
    <http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/faclibrary/case.aspx?case=Federal_Election_Comm_v_Colorado_Republican_Federal_Campaign_Committee>/
    2001 (/Colorado II/).
  * To strike down a contribution limit of $1,075 for state office in
    Missouri (/Nixon v. Shrink Missouri Government PAC,
    <http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/faclibrary/case.aspx?case=Nixon_v_Shrink_Missouri_Govt>/
    2000).
  * To reject a law limiting even nonprofit ideological corporations
    from making any campaign contributions to candidates for federal
    office (/FEC v. Beaumont,
    <http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/faclibrary/case.aspx?case=Federal_Election_Commission_v_Beaumont>/
    2003).
  * To strike down all major provisions of the Bipartisan Campaign
    Reform Act
    <http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=107_cong_public_laws&docid=f:publ155.107.pdf>
    of 2002 (BCRA, or "McCain-Feingold"), including those limiting the
    giving of "soft money" to political parties (/McConnell v. FEC/).
  * To strike down Vermont's campaign-contribution limits for state office.
  * To overrule /Austin/ and /McConnell/ in a recent challenge to the
    McCain-Feingold provisions limiting the spending of corporate
    treasury funds on election-related ads (/FEC v. Wisconsin Right to
    Life
    <http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/faclibrary/case.aspx?case=Federal_Election_Commission_v_Wisconsin_Right_to_Life_Inc>/
    ("/WRTL/"), 2007).

 From these many opinions, it is clear that Justice Thomas would vote to 
strike down every contribution or spending limit that might be enacted 
by a legislative body in the United States. Under Thomas's vision, it 
would be perfectly permissible, for example, for Microsoft or the 
AFL-CIO to give $100 million to a presidential candidate running for 
office. The justice believes any corrupt activity would be ferreted out 
and prosecuted under applicable federal bribery laws.
Thomas' analysis is perhaps at its weakest when it delves into the realm 
of empirical predictions and political science. Besides seriously 
underestimating the difficulty of ferreting out prosecutable cases of 
bribery, he also takes an unrealistically charitable view of the 
motivations of donors. Thus, in response to evidence that "in 1996 and 
2000, more than half of the top 50 soft-money donors gave substantial 
sums to /both/ major political parties" --- which suggested that major 
corporations, unions, and wealthy individuals were purchasing access to 
federal officeholders --- Thomas expressed the view that there was 
"substantial overlap" between the ideological views of Democrats and 
Republicans and "[if] donors feel that both major political parties are 
in general agreement over an issue of importance to them, it is 
unremarkable that such donors show support for both parties" (/McConnell/).
/Disclosure rules/
In /Colorado I,/ Justice Thomas pointed to campaign-finance disclosure 
as a more narrowly tailored means of dealing with the problem of 
corruption in the political process: "[D]isclosure laws work to make 
donors and donees accountable to the public for any questionable 
financial dealings in which they may engage." But the justice over time 
has become more skeptical of the constitutionality of campaign finance 
disclosure requirements.
Even before /Colorado I,/ Thomas wrote a concurring opinion in /McIntyre 
v. Ohio Elections Commission 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/faclibrary/case.aspx?case=McIntyre_v_OH_Elections_Commission>/ 
(1995) affirming the right of a person to distribute anonymous campaign 
literature regarding a school board ballot measure. Thomas based his 
view on a historical analysis of how the Framers would have understood 
the right to anonymous campaign speech.
The reach of /McIntyre/ remained unclear, and in the 2003 /McConnell/ 
case, Thomas was alone in voting to strike down BCRA's new disclosure 
provisions. That provision was meant to stop the anonymous funding of 
ads such as those run in the 2000 New York primary attacking John 
McCain's environmental record, and paid for by a previously unknown 
group, Republicans for Clean Air. The "group" turned out to be the Wyly 
brothers, longtime supporters of George W. Bush from Texas.
In /McConnell,/ Justice Thomas read /McIntyre/ as overruling /Buckley/ 
at least in part, rendering unconstitutional many campaign-finance 
disclosure provisions. It is not clear from Thomas' /McConnell/ opinion 
what forms of disclosure may be constitutionally permissible, but at 
most the law could extend to disclosure of certain contributions and not 
to most expenditures. Thus, under Thomas' vision, for example, 
Microsoft, the AFL-CIO or George Soros would have the right to spend 
anonymously $100 million independently supporting or opposing a 
presidential candidate.
*Thomas' growing influence on the Court in the campaign-finance arena*
Since the beginning of his tenure on the Court, Justice Thomas has 
occupied one of the polar positions on the campaign-finance issue: a 
clear, deregulatory position. (At the other pole is Justice Stephen 
Breyer, whose "participatory self government" rationale would allow for 
greater consideration of equality in balancing First Amendment rights 
and government interests ^1 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/justice-thomas-leading-the-way-to-campaign-finance-deregulation#f1> 
). Thomas' steadfastness and clarity on this issue appears to have 
opened up space for additional justices to move toward his position on 
the issue.
When Thomas first wrote that /Buckley/ should be overruled in favor of 
an across-the-board, strict-scrutiny approach to campaign-finance 
regulation, in /Colorado I,/ Chief Justice Rehnquist and Justice Antonin 
Scalia notably failed to join that portion of Thomas' opinion. By 2000, 
Justice Scalia was on board with overruling /Buckley/'s more complaisant 
standard of review for assessing the constitutionality of contribution 
limits (/Shrink Missouri/), and by 2001 Justice Anthony Kennedy agreed 
as well that Buckley "should be overruled" (/Colorado II/). Together, 
these three Justices recently staked out a position for overruling 
/Austin/ and /McConnell/ in last term's decision in /WRTL./
Justice Thomas' influence in this area could soon gain majority status. 
In /WRTL,/ Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Alito issued an opinion 
that did not go quite so far as the other three deregulatory justices 
would go, but it still significantly cut back the reach of the 
/McConnell/ opinion, thereby allowing more corporate and union 
election-related ads to be paid for out of treasury funds. The chief 
justice's opinion reads like a Justice Thomas opinion, full of paeans to 
the First Amendment and the value of free political debate, unfettered 
by campaign-finance rules. In declaring that "Enough is enough" when 
faced with an argument that strict campaign-finance laws are necessary 
to prevent the circumvention of core limits on money in politics, Chief 
Justice Roberts echoed Thomas' skepticism of anti-circumvention 
arguments expressed in /McConnell/: "speech regulation will again expand 
to cover new forms of 'circumvention,' only to spur supposed 
circumvention of the new regulations, and so forth." It seems only a 
matter of time before Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito move either 
firmly into Thomas' camp or at least close to his position. ^2 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/justice-thomas-leading-the-way-to-campaign-finance-deregulation#f2> 

Justice Thomas may not find another four votes for his positions on a 
general right to engage in /anonymous/ campaign-finance spending. But he 
could well see much of his vision of a deregulated campaign finance 
system come into being over the next decade. His influence in this area 
should not be underestimated.

____________________________________________________

^1 See /Stephen Breyer, Active Liberty: Interpreting Our Democratic 
Constitution,/ ch. 4 (Speech) (2005).
^2 I expand on these ideas in Richard L. Hasen, "Beyond Incoherence: The 
Roberts Court's Deregulatory Turn in /FEC v. Wisconsin Right to Life./" 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1003922>

------------------------------------------------------------------------

/Richard L. Hasen is the William H. Hannon Distinguished Professor of 
Law at Loyola, Los Angeles, Law School. He is a nationally recognized 
expert on election law and campaign-finance regulation, is co-author of 
a leading casebook on election law, co-editor of the quarterly 
peer-reviewed publication /Election Law Journal 
<http://www.liebertpub.com/publication.aspx?pub_id=101>/ and the editor 
of the widely read Election Law blog. <http://electionlawblog.org/> 
Hasen is also the author of/ The Supreme Court and Election Law: Judging 
Equality from/Baker v. Carr/ to /Bush v. Gore/ (2003).

Tags: campaign finance 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/tag/campaign-finance>, Clarence 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/tag/clarence>, Thomas 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/tag/thomas>, U.S. Supreme Court 
<http://www.firstamendmentcenter.org/tag/u-s-supreme-court>

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D58992&title=%E2%80%9CJustice%20Thomas%3A%20leading%20the%20way%20to%20campaign-finance%20deregulation%E2%80%9D&description=>
Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>, Supreme 
Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    "If the Supreme Court Strikes Down Campaign Contribution Limits, It
    Might Help Kill Off the Tea Party"
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58990>

Posted on February 24, 2014 8:59 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58990>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Kevin Drum 
<http://www.motherjones.com/kevin-drum/2014/02/if-supreme-court-strikes-down-campaign-contribution-limits-it-might-help-kill-tea>: 
"I don't know if I buy this, but I figured I'd pass it along. There's a 
good chance the Supreme Court will indeed finish the job of gutting 
campaign finance limits, and if that happens we'll all need a bit of 
solace."

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D58990&title=%E2%80%9CIf%20the%20Supreme%20Court%20Strikes%20Down%20Campaign%20Contribution%20Limits%2C%20It%20Might%20Help%20Kill%20Off%20the%20Tea%20Party%E2%80%9D&description=>
Posted in campaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>, 
political polarization <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=68>, Supreme 
Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    Federal Court, Relying on Crawford, Rejects Challenge to TN Voter ID
    Law <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58988>

Posted on February 24, 2014 8:19 am 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=58988>by Rick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

You can read the opinionhere 
<http://www.scribd.com/doc/208815196/TN-Opinion-on-Voter-ID> (via RNLA 
<http://thereplawyer.blogspot.com/2014/02/is-holders-voter-id-war-also-war.html>).

Share 
<http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Felectionlawblog.org%2F%3Fp%3D58988&title=Federal%20Court%2C%20Relying%20on%20Crawford%2C%20Rejects%20Challenge%20to%20TN%20Voter%20ID%20Law&description=>
Posted in election administration <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>, 
The Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>, voter id 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=9>

-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: <http://webshare.law.ucla.edu/Listservs/law-election/attachments/20140224/a95494a1/attachment.html>
-------------- next part --------------
A non-text attachment was scrubbed...
Name: share_save_171_16.png
Type: image/png
Size: 1504 bytes
Desc: not available
URL: <http://webshare.law.ucla.edu/Listservs/law-election/attachments/20140224/a95494a1/attachment.png>


View list directory