[EL] ELB News and Commentary 9/16/15

Rick Hasen rhasen at law.uci.edu
Tue Sep 15 22:37:44 PDT 2015


    “Supreme Court Heads Back into Political Thicket”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=76004>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:34 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=76004>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

I have writtenthis article 
<http://electionlawblog.org/wp-content/uploads/hasen-oc-lawyer.pdf>for 
the /OC Lawyer /(republished with permission). It begins:

    The Supreme Court will be back in session next month, and once again
    election law is on the docket. The Court is set to hear three
    election law cases so far in the October 2015 term, with more likely
    to come to the Court on an emergency basis as the 2016 elections
    bring out the inevitable army of election lawyers fighting in the
    voting wars. The three cases the Court will hear are on top of
    twenty-nine election law cases decided with a written opinion in the
    first decade of the Roberts Court. The Court long ago ignored
    Justice Felix Frankfurter’s admonition to stay out of the “political
    thicket.” Here is a quick look at what is at stake in the world of
    elections in the upcoming term.

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Posted inSupreme Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “Democrats Lay Groundwork to Expand Use of ‘Super PACs’”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=76002>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:31 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=76002>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Nick Confessore 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/15/us/politics/democrats-seek-to-expand-use-of-super-pacs.html?ref=politics>for 
the NYT:

    Democrats are laying the groundwork for an ambitious reorganization
    of their struggling network of “super PACs
    <http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/c/campaign_finance/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier>“
    that would exploit the loopholes and legal gray areas that
    Republicans have already used to raise hundreds of millions of
    dollars for the 2016 campaign through such groups.

    The plans, laid out by the party’s top election lawyers in an
    emergency request filed with theFederal Election Commission
    <http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/f/federal_election_commission/index.html?inline=nyt-org>on
    Friday, would pave the way for the creation of a host of newsuper
    PACs
    <http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/c/campaign_finance/index.html?inline=nyt-classifier>tailored
    to individual House and Senate candidates.

    But the filing also suggests that Democrats would, if allowed, seek
    to use tactics pioneered by Republican presidential candidates this
    cycle, helping prospective candidates establish and raise money for
    super PACs before they officially declare their intent to run.

    Most strikingly, the lawyers are asking the commission to clarify
    how declared candidates, their campaign staff and their volunteers
    can help court donors for independent super PACs — even whether a
    candidate could be the “special guest” at a super PAC “fund-raiser”
    with as few as two donors. Its answer could have profound
    ramifications for the 2016 campaign, particularly for Democrats who,
    like Hillary Rodham Clinton, have been reluctant to engage too
    closely with super PAC fund-raising….

    The lawyers signing the request — Marc E. Elias, Ezra W. Reese,
    Jonathan S. Berkon and Rachel L. Jacobs — work at Perkins Coie, the
    marquee Democratic election firm, which also represents the party’s
    congressional campaign committees, the presidential campaign of Mrs.
    Clinton and a Democratic super PAC supporting her. Mr. Elias
    declined to comment beyond the filing….

    “I’m somewhat skeptical of theDemocratic Party
    <http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/d/democratic_party/index.html?inline=nyt-org>’s
    motives,” said Lawrence M. Noble, a senior counsel of the Campaign
    Legal Center, which has sought election commission sanctions against
    a group of 2016 candidates for alleged campaign violations. “They’re
    probably trying a combination — to embarrass the Republicans and
    also to have an excuse for doing it themselves.”

    Should the commission deadlock on the request by refusing to act on
    it or splitting in a 3-to-3 vote, Mr. Noble said, “most of the
    aggressive lawyers will say it gives them a green light” to engage
    in similar tactics.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,campaigns 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>


    “The Lobbyist With a Six-Figure Government Job”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=76000>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:29 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=76000>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Eric Lipton for the NYT 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/15/us/politics/jeffrey-farrow-lobbying-government-contractor.html?ref=politics>:

    In this city with a grand tradition of government officials who pass
    through the revolving door into a world of big paychecks, Jeffrey
    Farrow stands apart.

    While earning more than $100,000 a year as executive director of a
    tiny federal agency called theCommission for the Preservation of
    America’s Heritage Abroad <http://heritageabroad.gov/Home.aspx>,
    which has only one full-time federal employee, Mr. Farrow has
    simultaneously helped collect as much as $750,000 a year in lobbying
    fees. His clients have included the governments of Puerto Rico and
    the Republic of Palau, a tiny island nation in the western Pacific.

    Mr. Farrow was at once a federal government bureaucrat and lobbyist.
    The revolving door did not even have to spin.

    He managed this feat while running one of dozens of agencies that
    can get lost in the vast United States government — this one
    responsible for identifying and helping preserve cemeteries and
    historic buildings in Eastern and Central Europe that are important
    to American Jews and others, including Orthodox Christians from Kosovo.

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Posted inlobbying <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=28>


    “”Breyer v. Colbert: A comedian, a U.S. Supreme Court justice, and a
    missed opportunity.” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75998>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:22 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75998>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Matt Ford 
<http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/09/breyer-colbert/405346/>in 
the Atlantic:

    Journalistic interviews with the justices are increasingly common
    and often good,but rarely great;/New York/magazine’s 2013
    conversation with Antonin Scalia is adelightful exception
    <http://nymag.com/news/features/antonin-scalia-2013-10/>. All nine
    of them speak often in public, although their audiences are usually
    law schools, state bar associations, judicial conferences, or
    similar law-related organizations. Some justices occasionally make
    unconventional appearances, like Sonia Sotomayor’s visits to/The
    Daily Show with Jon Stewart/
    <http://thedailyshow.cc.com/extended-interviews/zt9pb9/sonia-sotomayor-extended-interview>and/Sesame
    Street/ <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EHICz5MYxNQ>. But lawyers
    talking to lawyers is the norm.

    That could change, however. UC Irvine law professor Rick Hasen
    provided some interesting data about their public appearances ina
    recent study
    <http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2611729>. All of
    the current justices have been more public than their predecessors,
    save for Justice Arthur Goldberg, who spoke frequently about
    anti-Semitism during the 1960s. Scalia and Ruth Bader Ginsburg tend
    to receive more press for their remarks, but Breyer actually holds
    the record for the most public appearances by a justice since 1964.

    Are these public appearances good for the Court? Judge Richard
    Posner, a popular federal appellate judge in the Seventh
    Circuit,disapproves
    <http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=5091&context=journal_articles>of
    what he calls the justices’ “public intellectual” activities. At the
    same time, he doesn’t see them as a threat to the Court’s
    legitimacy, since institutional support for the Court remains
    relatively high. Besides, he adds, few Americans can even identify
    individual justices. Colbert also observed before his chat with the
    justice that 3 percent of Americans know who Breyer is. The rest, he
    joked, confuse him with Mr. Burns from/The Simpsons/, with whom the
    justice shares a vague resemblance.

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Posted inCelebrity Justice <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=109>,Supreme 
Court <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=29>


    “Reform Groups Urge President Obama to Reject Campaign Finance
    Riders in Appropriation Bills” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75996>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:18 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75996>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Press release: 
<http://www.democracy21.org/money-in-politics/press-releases-money-in-politics/reform-groups-urge-president-obama-to-reject-campaign-finance-riders-in-appropriation-bills/>

    Reform groups today wrote to President Obama strongly urging him to
    reject all riders in appropriations bills, including four damaging
    campaign finance riders, and to insist that clean FY 2016
    appropriations legislation is sent to him for his signature.

    The reform groups include: Campaign Legal Center, Citizens for
    Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, Common Cause, Democracy 21,
    Demos, Issue One, League of Women Voters, Public Citizen and U.S. PIRG….

    According to the letter, “the four damaging campaign finance riders
    that have already been added to House and Senate appropriations
    bills” would:

    – Prevent the White House from issuing an Executive Order requiring
    disclosure of campaign finance activities by government contractors;

    – Prevent the IRS from issuing new regulations to stop nonprofit
    groups from misusing the tax laws to spend secret contributions in
    federal elections;

    – Prevent the SEC from issuing regulations to require public
    corporations to disclose their campaign-finance activities to their
    shareholders; and

    – Repeal longstanding limits on the amounts that parties can spend
    in coordination with their candidates.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,campaigns 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>


    “Parties Reach Settlement in Alaska Native Voting-Rights Case”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75994>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:16 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75994>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

AP 
<http://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/parties-reach-settlement-alaska-native-voting-rights-case-33669958>:

    A
    settlement<http://www.narf.org/2015/09/state-of-alaska-settles-in-historic-voting-rights-case/>has
    been reached between the state andAlaska
    <http://abcnews.go.com/topics/news/alaska.htm>Native plaintiffs who
    sued in federal court over the translation of voting materials for
    voters with limited English proficiency.

    The proposed settlement filed Tuesday calls for the Alaska
    lieutenant governor’s office to hire a full-time employee to
    administer language assistance. Another significant provision in the
    agreement calls for the official state election pamphlet to include
    translations, plaintiffs’ attorney Natalie Landreth with the Native
    American Rights Funds said Thursday.

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Posted inVoting Rights Act <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=15>


    “Why Voting Matters: Large Disparities in Turnout Benefit the Donor
    Class” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75992>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:14 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75992>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

New Demos report. 
<http://www.demos.org/publication/why-voting-matters-large-disparities-turnout-benefit-donor-class>

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    “Square accepts your political donations with a tweet”
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75990>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:13 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75990>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The next frontier. 
<http://www.engadget.com/2015/09/15/square-twitter-political-donations/>

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,campaigns 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>


    “Report: America’s Aging Voting Machines Could Present Election
    Problems” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75988>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:12 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75988>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Pam Fessler 
<http://www.npr.org/sections/itsallpolitics/2015/09/15/440255752/report-americas-aging-voting-machines-could-present-election-problems?utm_source=npr_newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_content=20150915&utm_campaign=npr_email_a_friend&utm_term=storyshare>for 
NPR:

    Voting machines around the United States are coming to the end of
    their useful lives. Breakdowns are increasingly common. Spare parts
    are difficult, if not impossible, to find. That could be a serious
    problem for next year’s presidential elections.

    Allen County, Ohio, election director Ken Terry knows how bad things
    can get. In the last presidential election, he had to replace the
    Zip disks — a 1990s technology — in the main machine his county uses
    to count votes. The disks are no longer made. And when
    he/finally/got some from the voting machine manufacturer:

    “They actually had a coupon in them. They were sealed and
    everything. And the coupon had expired in … 1999,” he said.

    And, to make matters worse, Terry said his voting machines use
    memory cards that hold only 250 megabytes of data — a tiny fraction
    of what you can store today on a $6 thumb drive. “You know, by
    today’s standards that’s just absurd,” he said.

    Allen County is by no means alone in dealing with antiquated voting
    equipment. In Michigan, optical scan machines purchased in 2005 are
    breaking down at an increasing rate. That can be frustrating for
    voters and election workers, Oakland County election director Joe
    Rozell said.

    “We’ve all become experts with cans of compressed air, trying to
    clear any debris or any pieces of paper that may have jammed the
    ballot path,” he said.

    Michigan is trying to get new machines for next year’s elections.
    But that’s not the case in Ohio or most other states with aging
    equipment. According to anew report by the Brennan Center for
    Justice
    <https://www.brennancenter.org/publication/americas-voting-machines-risk>at
    New York University, 43 states will use some voting equipment next
    year that’s at least 10 years old.

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Posted inelection administration 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=18>,voting technology 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=40>


    “Pay-to-Play Rule Sticks Around for 2016″
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75986>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:09 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75986>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

jason Abel has writtenthis oped 
<http://www.steptoe.com/assets/htmldocuments/Pay%20to%20Play%20Sticks%20Around%20for%202016%20-%20Daily%20Journal%20-%20Jason%20Abel.pdf>for 
the LA Daily Journal.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>,campaigns 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=59>


    “The Unwilling Donor” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75984>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:07 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75984>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Jennifer Mueller has postedthis draft 
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2658351>on SSRN 
(forthcoming, /Washington Law Review/).  Here is the abstract:

    or nearly 40 years, the Supreme Court has evaluated campaign finance
    restrictions by weighing the First Amendment burden they place on a
    donor eager to engage the political process against the government’s
    interest in avoiding corruption of that process. Most recently, in
    McCutcheon v. FEC, the Court struck down aggregate contribution
    limits, allowing donors to give — and candidates and parties to
    solicit — millions of dollars directly to candidates, parties, and
    political action committees. Yet what should have been a significant
    victory for big donors was greeted with dismay by many of the same.

    There is growing evidence that the story we have been telling
    ourselves about political money is, at best, incomplete, and that
    many donors give only reluctantly, out of fear of political
    repercussions. This Article examines the problem of the unwilling
    donor and argues for the first time that it has significant
    implications for campaign finance doctrine. Flipping the narrative
    allows a fresh view of key concepts, including the need for systemic
    campaign finance regulations, the Court’s current emphasis on quid
    pro quo corruption, and the First Amendment interests of campaign
    donors. Previous scholarship has overlooked the existence and
    constitutional import of this alternative, “extortionate,” framework.

    The Unwilling Donor steps into this critical gap. The Article first
    provides an overview of the Supreme Court’s past campaign finance
    jurisprudence, including McCutcheon, almost all of which is premised
    on the notion of a willing donor. It then surveys empirical studies
    and historical data to demonstrate that the unwilling donor, while
    perhaps not a sympathetic character, is a very real one. The final
    section of the Article contemplates the legal significance of the
    unwilling donor problem, concluding that it is relevant to the
    continued vitality of campaign finance efforts, to the Court’s
    analysis of campaign finance restrictions, and to future litigation
    strategies in this area.

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Posted incampaign finance <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=10>


    Bauer on “Watergate” <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75982>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:05 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75982>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

Bob <http://www.moresoftmoneyhardlaw.com/2015/09/watergate/>:

    Watergate is associated with abuses but also with reforms– measures,
    the “Watergate-era reforms,” intended to go some distance toward
    solving the basic problems.  For scholars, law professors and the
    community of practitioners engaged with these reform enactments, the
    new biographies of Nixon now being published are irresistible. Evan
    Thomas,/Being//Nixon: A Man Divided/(2015); Tim Weiner,/One Man
    Against the World/(2015).  To borrow a sneering comment by Nixon, it
    is easy to “wallow in Watergate.”

    One question that then comes up is: what in these narratives is the
    nature of the elemental “corruption” that led to Nixon’s downfall?
      There’s mention of campaign money, in the discussion of secretive
    fundraising and the “hush money” that Nixon and his staff paid to
    the Watergate burglars in return for their silence.  But private
    money–brought from the outside to corrupt the government from
    within–is not the key, or a key, to the story.

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Posted inUncategorized <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=1>


    Rick Perlstein Remembers When Jimmy Carter Proposed Universal Voter
    Registration and Ronald Reagan Raised the Specter of Fraud
    <http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75980>

Posted onSeptember 15, 2015 10:03 pm 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?p=75980>byRick Hasen 
<http://electionlawblog.org/?author=3>

The Prophetic President 
<http://washingtonspectator.org/the-prophetic-president/>:

    Everyone loved to talk about voter apathy, but the real problem,
    Carter said, was that “millions of Americans are prevented or
    discouraged from voting in every election by antiquated and overly
    restricted voter registration laws”—a fact proven, he pointed out,
    by record rates of participation in 1976 in Minnesota, Wisconsin,
    and North Dakota, where voters were allowed to register on election
    day. So he proposed that election-day registration be adopted
    universally, tempering concerns that such measures might increase
    opportunities for fraud by also proposing five years in prison and a
    $10,000 fine as penalties for electoral fraud.

    He asked Congress to allot up to $25 million in aid to states to
    help them comply, and for the current system of federal matching
    funds for presidential candidates to be expanded to congressional
    elections. He suggested reforming a loophole in the matching-fund
    law that disadvantaged candidates competing with rich opponents who
    funded their campaigns themselves, and revising the Hatch Act to
    allow federal employees “not in sensitive positions,” and when not
    on the job, the same rights of political participation as everyone else.

    Finally, and most radically, he recommended that Congress adopt a
    constitutional amendment to do away with the Electoral College—under
    which, three times in our history (four times if you count George W.
    Bush 23 years later), a candidate who received fewer votes than his
    opponent went on to become president—in favor of popular election of
    presidents. It was one of the broadest political reform packages
    ever proposed.

    It was immediately embraced. Legislators from both parties stood
    together at a news briefing to endorse all or part of it. Two
    Republican senators and two Republican representatives stepped
    forward to cosponsor the universal registration bill; William Brock,
    chairman of the Republican National Committee, called it “a
    Republican concept.” Senate Minority Leader Howard Baker announced
    his support, and suggested going even further: making election day a
    national holiday and keeping polls open 24 hours. House Minority
    Leader John Rhodes, a conservative disciple of Barry Goldwater,
    predicted it would pass “in substantially the same form with a lot
    of Republican support, including my own.”

    A more perfect democracy. Who could find this controversial?

    You guessed it: movement conservatives, who took their lessons about
    Democrats and “electoral reform” from Republican allegations that
    had Kennedy beating Nixon via votes received from the cemeteries of
    Chicago.

    Ronald Reagan had been on this case for years. “Look at the
    potential for cheating,” he thundered in 1975, when Democrats
    proposed allowing citizens to register by postcard. “He can be John
    Doe in Berkeley, and J.F. Doe in the next county, all by saying he
    intends to live in both places … Yes, it takes a little work to be a
    voter; it takes some planning to get to the polls or send an
    absentee ballot … That’s a small price to pay for freedom.” He took
    up the cudgel again shortly after Carter’s inauguration, after
    California adopted easier voter registration. Why not a national
    postcard registration program? “The answer to that is the one the
    American general gave to the German demand for surrender at the
    battle of Bastogne in World War II:/Nuts/.…. Government by the
    people won’t work if the people won’t work at it.”

    He continued. “Why don’t we try reverse psychology and make it
    harder to vote?”

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Posted inThe Voting Wars <http://electionlawblog.org/?cat=60>

-- 
Rick Hasen
Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science
UC Irvine School of Law
401 E. Peltason Dr., Suite 1000
Irvine, CA 92697-8000
949.824.3072 - office
949.824.0495 - fax
rhasen at law.uci.edu
http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/
http://electionlawblog.org

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